Woman from Yemen

Opposition divided over voting or boycotting the “election”

2012-02-21T12:46:00.003+02:00

The opposition is divided between the desire to vote orboycott the uncontested “election” today. The opposition party coalition the Joint Meeting Party (JMP) has also beendivided over the election. Officiallythey have called on their members to vote, but some members decided to boycott the election. Religious scholars, tribesmen, independent youth activists, and members of civil society are also divided on the election.

While the majority of people recognize the obvious flaws inthe uncontested election many, especially in the capital Sana’a, have decidedto nevertheless vote. Their reasons to vote vary and include the following:

Individuals who believe that the election marksa historic day as it will officially announce the end of Saleh’s 33 year rule.
Individuals who voted not necessarily for Hadi,but more for the belief in the transitional period. Their vote was a symbol of hope for a newYemen.
Others are voting to give legitimacy to the newpresident Hadi, hoping his votes will exceed four million, which was the numberof votes Saleh received in the last presidential elections in 2006.
Some citizens were mislead to believe if Hadidoes not get enough votes, Saleh will literarlly return to rule, i.e he willbecome the Preisdent again. (based on the GCC implementing mechanism, this isimpossible as Saleh has already signed that Hadi is the next president).
Other citizens are voting because of a belief that their vote would not necessarily solve future problems, but at least prevent violent clashes that may turn to a war.

Not everyone agrees with the above ideas, and hence nationalprotests against the “election” took place on Monday February 20, one daybefore the elections. Songs calling toboycott the elections and posters against the “appointment” were distributed.

Those who advocate a boycott of the “election” consist ofthree main categories of people: independent youth members who outright opposeany political process including negotiations with the ruling party. Hence they reject the GCC implementingmechanism in its entirety including the transitional government and the“election.”

The two most powerful resistance entities the Houthis andthe Southern Secessionists have outright rejected the elections. The Southern secessionists see the electionsas a vote for maintaining Northern/Southern unity which many are against. TheHouthis have rejected the elections as an extension of their rejection for theGCC.

Finally, independent youth groups who believe in a politicalprocess and agree that a transition period is necessary. In fact they may agree that Hadi should lead,but will nevertheless boycott the election.

The reasons for the boycott vary from person to person, butinclude mainly the following:

Individuals who believe the street is whatdelegitimized the previous government and it is the street that will providethe legitimacy not the ballot box.
While the election represents the end of Saleh’s33 presidency, it does not represent the end of the regime. Changing personalities in a structure thatremains the same will mean that no change will happen.
The belief that the hype on the election is ameans to distract people from the real reform that needs to take placeincluding military, judicial and constitutional reform. Saleh’s son, nephews and relatives still holdhigh positions in the military. Whilethe GCC stipulates that a military reshuffling will take place after theelection, some people doubt Hadi’s ability to truly advocate for such reforms.
Some individuals believe it should have beencalled an appointment, rather than an election. It was already stated in the GCC that Hadi is going to rule the country,so an announcement of his appointment for a transitional period would have beenthe more honest approach. This is notjust a case of semantics, but more about building trust between citizens andthe new government.
Millions of dollars should not have been spenton “monitoring” an uncontested election when there are other more pressingpriorities in the country, including a humanitarian crisis. While many state that this amount of money isnot as large as other countries receive, it would have made a significantimpact on those who cannot find food, shelter, or health care.

I personally fall in the latter group. While as a graduate of internationalrelations, I wholeheartedly believe that a political process is necessary and atransitional period is vital for peace and stability in Yemen, neverthelessthis election is quite a disappointment for me. The ballot today had one name, do we really want to start a new Yemenwith a flawed process?

In short, I will not vote because I believe we deservebetter. I believe in democracy, and Iknow this is not it. Elections are notdemocracy, they are just one component of a democratic process. The real moment of celebration for me will bewhen military restructuring, and judicial and constitutional reforms actuallytake place as a step towards independent institutions. Of course things will take time, but we needto remember what we went out to the street for: real systematic change not justSaleh’s removal from power.

What is next for Yemen?

President Hadi has a very difficult job ahead to satisfypopular demands. The hungry want to eat,students and the unemployed want jobs, businessmen want a better economy, andeveryone wants electricity and water.

In addition, national reconciliation is of utmost importance. The Southern issue and the Houthi rebellionin the North, must be urgently addressed. The main question will be President Hadi’s ability to deal with nationalreconciliation, given that both groups have boycotted the election? Whatlegitimacy will he have in their eyes? He has extended an open had to them, andpromised to address their issues, but how can they have faith in that whentheir grievances about the election were completely ignored?

Of course the transitional government’s job, like theexpectations is immense. The people ofYemen must also work hard to advocate for their rights. Today’s “election” is only thebeginning. While the GCC implementingmechanism does not represent total change, it however has many articles that activistscan use to push for real reform. Activists will need to become watchdogs and use what is in the GCC totheir advantage. Without further reformsit will be as if no revolution had taken place because the regime has notfallen.

We are not the citizens of the past who were frozen byfear. We are an awakened street worthyof real change and we will continue to demand it

Yemen: No Spring Without Women

2012-02-15T19:18:00.000+02:00

Published on Al Akhbar English ( http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/yemen-no-spring-without-women) on Tuesday, February 14, 2012

Wooden wall separating the men and women’s section near the stage, 27 January 2012. (Photo: Atiaf Alwazir)

In February 2011, Umm Hashim, a 45-year-old mother and resident of Yemen’s capital Sanaa was glued to her television. For hours she watched the opposition channel Suhail broadcast images of injured protesters being rushed into the makeshift field hospital in Change Square. As tears rolled down her face, she vowed to go to Change Square and help in any way she could. Today, one year later, Umm Hashim has become one of the managers of the field hospital in Change Square who administers volunteers and checks on the medical supplies.

Women, a force in the revolution

In some instances, women’s participation challenged cultural taboos. In a country where reputation is at the heart of many cultural practices, women of the revolution began challenging some of these traditions by sleeping at the square. Traditionally it is not accepted for women to sleep outside their home without a guardian. A handful of female protesters and volunteers at the medical committee spent many nights in change square without their male guardians.

Another interesting change is the acceptance of Tawakkul Karman’s photo in public places. In a society where a woman’s appearance is not commonly seen on large billboards (with the exclusion of television and business advertisements), the Nobel peace prize winner and Islah member’s photo has spread throughout change square. Her image has become a new fashion brand. Tawakkul mugs, posters, clocks, pens, and key chains are sold in various corners of the square. In the midst of a male qat chew, tough traditional men chew in a tent decorated by her photo. This symbolism represents the baby steps women are taking to regain full equality and recognition in society.

Man proudly “wears” Tawakkul Karman’s photo. (Photo: Benjamin Wiacek)

For some, like Nadia, a 22-year-old volunteer in Change Square, this type of participation in the public sphere is their first. “In the early days of the revolution, my father told me that I was not allowed to go to Change Square, so I began sneaking out of the house without letting him know. I had a strong conviction that participating in the revolution is my Islamic duty. After a month, my father found out about my participation, but allowed me to continue going and said he was proud of me,” she explained.

For other women such as Umm Khaled Al-Hamdani, a 35-year-old mother, her participation was life changing. She promised to continue volunteering as a way to give back to the community even after the revolution is over.
It is important however, not to take what we see on the surface as an indication of a cultural revolution. One cannot romanticize these personalized gains nor confuse them with something greater, unless the women’s movement will capitalize on them and push them further.

Instead, a deeper examination of women’s rights is necessary. While some very basic cultural taboos have been challenged or questioned, none of the major cultural practices that stand in the way of women’s rights were addressed. These include the selective use of religion to exclude women and the politicization of women’s rights.

In addition, deep rooted cultural beliefs will take years to transform. For example, some men have proudly accepted women’s participation and have showed a great deal of admiration for the women leaders of the revolution, while many feel the need to define them as “manly” in order to accept their leadership positions. Many male supporters of Karman or Boushra Al-Maqatary feel the need to describe them using masculine terminology, stating that they are “more manly than 1,000 men.”

Patriarchy continues in the square
After former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s infamous speech denouncing the mixing of men and women, the people in the square were instantly divided on reaction methods. Certain elements in the movement reacted by “proving” that mixing does not occur in the square, something that is factually incorrect. A popular song blasted in the square called Saleh a “liar, liar” for accusing the protesters of mixing.
Others, wanted to show that there is nothing wrong with mixed marches, and attempted to do that the next day. Some of these women were then beaten by members of the square's organizational committee (controlled by Islah hardliners) and assisted by some military personnel from the First Armored Brigade, who had joined the protesters and vowed to provide protection.

None of the Islah leadership condemned the attacks and physical beating of the female activists, but when Karman won the Nobel Peace Prize, the Islah party used her prize in their political campaigns as an example of their promotion of women’s rights. Time and time again, women’s rights proved to be a political tool used by both the opposition and the ruling party with no real promotion of women’s agenda.

The selective use of religion to exclude women has not been publicly questioned or debated to the extent necessary. Recently, some Imams resorted to the use of takfir against Boushra al-Maktary, novelist and activist who lead the peaceful march from Taiz city to Sanaa, after an article she published titled “First Year Revolution.” The Imams along with some hardliners began a campaign against her via mosque sermons, articles tarnishing her reputation, death threats, and a march to her house condemning her actions. Given Boushra’s declared socialist leanings, some hardliners found her liberal background to be an easy target. This illustrates that women from a liberal background face numerous challenges not only from the state, but also from religious institutions.

On the other hand, Imams on the stage of Change Square encouraged more women to join the revolution. “You do not need the permission of your husband or father to come to the square, because this is a struggle for justice” said one Imam on stage.

However, on two different occasions, a different Imam prohibited women from marching. “My dear sisters, today is a male march, it is your duty to stay inside and protect the tents,” he said. Of course not all Imams on stage were negative towards women’s rights. Many other Imams encouraged women’s participation, and recited various stories of active women in Islamic history. Nevertheless, it is important to remember that both hardliners and progressive religious scholars are present and both have openly addressed women’s issues from their own different perspectives.

The stage where these speeches are made is placed in the heart of the square, serving also as the media hub. As a result it is at the epicenter of internal conflict between independents and Islah hardliners controlling it. Numerous disagreements arose but with time and constant negotiations, compromises were made. What was not negotiated was the segregation between men and women in the area surrounding the stage.

At first there was no barrier between women and men near the stage. On March 8, when women celebrated international women’s day, men and women were seated near each other with only a human barrier to separate them.

Men and women sitting side by side near the stage in change square, 25 Feb 2011. (Photo: Atiaf Alwazir)

With time, the human barrier was replaced by a thin blue rope to separate the women’s section, then a blue curtain and eventually a wooden wall and a metal door.

Curtain separating the men and women’s section near the stage, 10 May 2011. (Photo: Atiaf Alwazir)

While some women protested this “cage,” others believed it was not the time to struggle against it. One female women’s rights activist from Aden said that protesting against this cage was not a priority when people are dying, adding, “It’s not the time to complain about this wall, it would be too petty of us to do so now.”

Spring or Winter?
There is no doubt that women’s participation was a leading factor in the movement. This however does not mean that taking part in the protests has led to greater participation in social and organized political life. The revolution alone has not been the remedy for women’s exclusion from society as many media and experts claim.

As is exemplified by the low number of women in the “national unity government,” if women do not push for a stronger women’s agenda, they may in fact take a backseat in the future. In that case, the gains made in the revolution may become peripheries in the long run.

Women lost a golden opportunity in the past year to turn these political calls into a true cultural revolution, but there is still an opportunity to guarantee legal rights in the transitional period. This realization has pushed activists to hold events such as the march entitled “no spring without women” and to work together for the national women’s conference in order to set a unified agenda on priorities for the next two years.
Women have an opportunity to guarantee their rights through legal reforms by capitalizing on the vague and general stipulations in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) initiative. The GCC only stated that women should be represented “appropriately” in the national unity government. But, it also stated that women should be part of all the committees formed including the military, GCC initiative, communication, constitutional, and national dialogue committees.

Women should also make use of United Nations Security Council Resolution 2014. This resolution calls “upon all concerned parties to ensure the protection of women and children, to improve women’s participation in conflict resolution and encourages all parties to facilitate the equal and full participation of women at decision-making levels.” Yemeni women should also take advantage of the international conventions signed and ratified by Yemen as references for equal participation between men and women.

The interplay between current government actors, tribal and religious leaders, and members of the women’s movement, and the extent of the movement’ ability to use this window of opportunity to advocate for its interests will determine whether a real spring will flourish in Yemen.

Who knew that France and Yemen are so similar?

2012-01-12T17:38:00.001+02:00

As someone who has lived between both the "east" and the "west", I often find it easy to adapt and connect to both worlds. However, when I went to France this time, it was more difficult to quickly adapt. That is most likely because I flew from revolutionary Yemen with no water, no electricity, and mass protests, to France with hot showers, 24 hours of internet and no gun shots. What made me feel more disoriented, was the fact that I was listening to Yemeni music while visiting rural France.

So in an attempt to "connect" I tried to focus on the similiarities we share rather than the obvious differences. The following is a list of 10 similarities that I found between Yemen and France. It's not supposed to be taken seriously, so please excuse the generalizations I made.

Pride in national products: both are obsessed with their national products, always discussing them in every occasion they get. The French with their wine and cheese. Yemenis with the Qat & coffee.

Importance of la famille: family is important to both, but the definition of family in Yemen extends to a larger group of people. My relatives from the seventh grandfather are considered my "cousins".

Spending hours doing "nothing": both French and Yemenis enjoy spending hours talking, talking and talking. Yemenis chew and talk, the French go to cafes and do the same. This cultural habit proves useful in enjoying life and creating strong friendships and social exchanges.

Amazing architecture: while the architectural style is completely different, both have absolutely stunning historic buildings.

Architecture of old Sana'a, Yemen

"It's just the way we speak!": if you do not speak Arabic, hearing Yemenis talk might make you think they're always fighting. That's because we often shout out people's names in public and talk in a very loud voice. However, this should not be confused with being mad, it's just a way of speaking. Similiarly, if you do not speak French and just focus on the nonverbal actions of the French such as the constant shrugs, you will think they are quite upset. This thought will be more believable because of the many "huffs" & "boff's" they use in the conversation. So for an outsider who doesn't speak French it will sound like this: "adfadfdsf ahh boff...asdfadf huff asdfadf ah non! adfadfasfd (add shrug) etc. The reality is, they're not necessarily mad it's just the way they speak.

Political correctness, what's that? both Yemenis and French are very expressive about their opinions, not feeling the need to sugar coat anything or to try to be politically correct. When you look shocked at what was said, the response is often: "what? we are just being honest!".

The love for kissing: Yemenis kiss on the cheek to say hello and goodbye, women kiss women, and men kiss men. The French on the other hand kiss everyone and all the time.

English music everywhere: early 90's American songs are heard blasting in various shops in both countries.

Dinner is ready (photo taken in Lille, France)

Importance of aesthetics: in both countries, lots of importance is placed on the aesthetics during the most important part of the day. Yemenis must have good comfortable cozy places for qat chewing and are quite creative in turning any place into a comfortable chewing spot. The French on the other hand also need good ambiance for the sacred dinner.

Importance of food: the food industry is very important to both countries. Lunch for Yemenis and dinner for the French is very important. Yemenis however, spend a LOONG time cooking, and then eat the food in just 15 - 30 minutes. French food often takes a shorter time to prepare, but eating takes between two to three hours. People in both countries get extremely disappointed when you say you are "full" and can not eat anymore.

We can always find similarities anywhere we go, because despite the differences we have, we all share humanity in common. At the same time, we should appreciate the differences because they make the world an exciting place to live. Without them, the world will be such a boring place.

Social Media in Yemen: Expecting the Unexpected

2011-12-31T02:18:00.001+02:00

This article was first published in Al-Akhbar English

A young group of men and women hover over their laptops while sipping expensive lattes at one of Sana’a’s four main Western style coffee shops. For the past six months, the majority of people in the Yemeni capital of Sana’a have received between two to four hours of electricity a day. Many of the customers are “electricity refugees” as activist Hamza Al-Sharjabi describes people who move from place to place in search of public spaces with generators for Internet and electricity.
Many activists are also at the cafes, often carrying with them heavy backpacks with their laptops and the chargers needed to power their camera, laptop, and phones.

One of these cafés is located about 1 kilometer from an entrance to the square, making it a proper spot for activists to meet, charge their equipment, update their blog, tweet, or go on Facebook via the terribly slow internet. In addition to these expensive cafes, generators and Wi-Fi can also be found inside the square in various tents including the media committee’s tent and others.

The creativity of people inside change square who turned empty tents into high tech Wi-Fi spots may appear as an oxymoron in the Western mindset. When it comes to Yemen, many people would not imagine that such a vibrant online community could exist in the region’s poorest countries.
In addition it may seem unimaginable that social media would have an important role to play in Yemen where illiteracy rates reach approximately 45% according to UNDP and where Internet penetration is less than 2%.

However, it is important to note that a large majority of the Yemeni population are youth, by some estimates, close to 60 percent. These youth also represent the majority of users online. While it is important not to exaggerate the impact of this small group of users, it is also important not to disregard their effect.

This effect also needs to be recognized in the context of the wider debate in the “online” community regarding the role of social media in the revolutions that swept the Middle East. Some dubbed these revolutions as the Facebook or Twitter revolutions and attribute the revolutions to these social networking sites. Others have completely dismissed its role, especially in societies with low literacy and Internet penetration rates. Another group, myself included, believe that social media is not a silent witness, nor is the cause of the mass people’s movement. Twitter and Facebook do not cause revolutions, people do. These people, fueled by years of injustice and wide grievances, are the true agents of change.

Organizing & networking
The power of these revolutions lies in the people’s strength to collaborate together. While the bulk of mobilization efforts in Yemen happen through word of mouth, radio, brochures and SMS services; sites such as Facebook helped people meet each other with one click, without having to travel great distances between cities.

Online forums and Facebook groups help people meet each other from different parts of the country. It helps create connections between people with similar interests that otherwise would have never met. These groups, some of which are private, are also the hubs of organizing for the next day’s marches.

Many independent groups who have members from various parts of the country hold online meetings in closed Facebook groups, where they vote on important matters, and share documents. There are over 30 revolutionary Facebook groups that vary in theme and topic which include women in the revolution, media campaigns such as Support Yemen, and revolutionary news.

The most recent “Life March,” for example, which took place from December 20 - December 24, saw hundreds of people march 267 kilometers from Taiz city to the capital Sana’a by foot. It was organized in Freedom Square in Taiz, and also on Facebook for others to join in the discussion. A page was set up with information on the location and time of the event. The group later evolved to include information on the march, photos, and videos. Messages of support poured in from people throughout the nation and abroad.

A live stream was set up for people to watch the event unfold. Activists abroad also joined in the media campaign by creating sites such as lifemarch.net with an interactive Google Map of the march, phone messages from activists, and reports on the march.

Given the fact that the Life March was organized by independent protesters, it not only went against the stance of the ruling party but also against the desires of the formal opposition political parties. This meant that none of the formal media outlets covered the event on television, radio, or printed press. Social media became the sole outlet for people to get an update on the Life March.

Sources of information in the absence of independent media
The Ministry of Information in Yemen controls printing presses, the main television channel and radio stations. Hence, radio and television broadcasters are not completely free to decide the content of their shows and printed press is not free from censorship.

Newspapers and magazines in Yemen are divided between private, government controlled, and party-affiliated magazines. Independent media is therefore lacking, and social media has filled that void.
Some bloggers and citizen journalists have become sources of information, forcing their writing style to shift from personal diaries to more objective “news” in order to fill the information void.

A group at Change Square called the media committee assigned themselves as one of the media voices covering the revolution. Information, photographs and videos are updated regularly on their blog, YouTube channel, and Facebook group. Some of their information was used by local, regional and international media.

Twitter has also become a very important source for spreading information to the world minute by minute especially given the low number of foreign journalists in Yemen due to the strict laws regulating entry visas to the country.

The main challenge with new media is credibility. While some twitter users are recognized activists and trustworthy sources, not all users can be relied upon. In the midst of thousands of online “activists”, it can be difficult for individuals to differentiate between reliable and non-reliable sources. For example, some foreign journalists have on occasion quoted some individuals as eyewitnesses who were not in the country, but were online activists from abroad.

With pure intentions, some activists abroad, have mistakenly spread false information when they were in fact not in the country by relaying information based on what others have said. This has caused rumors to become “facts” in the online world. In addition, while trying to help, online activists have sometimes created confusion by spreading various accounts of the same incident.

Documenting violations and Advocacy
Social media does not only serve the purpose of news sharing, but technology has also enabled activists to better document human rights violations. Sites such as Bambuser help spread news instantaneously through live streaming from mobile phones. The live stream details the exact location of the event through Google Map and maintains records of the time and video. This helps with the documentation process and removes any obstacle or doubt to credibility.
Security issues are of concern to activists because many of these new tools can also help in tracking individuals. For example, live streaming is great for documenting violations, but it also gives the exact location of the person recording the video which could aid government security in making arrests or intimidating activists. These tactics have also moved to the online arena through electronic threats, harassment, bullying and hacking.
When an activist receives an e-threat, the online community sometimes acts as a defense attorney, providing advise and advocating on the person’s behalf through media campaigns, petitions, and various online advocacy methods.

Social Media: Part of a Larger Whole
It is important to emphasize that users of social media are a minority in Yemen and other developing countries. Nevertheless, new media, as one tool out of many, has indirectly played a significant role in the mass people’s movement.
It is important to remember however, that online activists are not the only revolutionaries. In the media’s ultimate search for heroes, the West often coins online activists as leaders of the revolution simply because they can relate to them. They speak their language, and they can follow their blog. However, not all revolutionaries are online and their role should not be forgotten. Just because they do not tweet or facebook or have a blog does not mean they do not exist.

In Yemen, the Life March Revives the Debate on Immunity for Saleh

2011-12-22T23:46:00.001+02:00

First published on Muftah.org

Hundreds of Yemenis are marching 250 kilometers from Taiz to Sana’a to protest the immunity clause contained in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) initiative. Demonstrators began their journey on Tuesday December 20 and are hoping to arrive in Yemen’s capital in time to hold protests in front of the Parliament on Saturday.

On that day, Parliament is scheduled to vote on a law granting immunity to President Ali Abdullah Saleh and many senior officials, in accordance with the terms of the GCC implementing mechanism signed by Saleh in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia on November 23, 2011.

Dubbed the “Life March,” the demonstration is reviving the pro-democracy movement after the disappointment that followed the signing of the GCC implementing mechanism.
“The youth walking all the way from Taiz to Sana’a is a historic moment that is beyond description. It shows resilience and power of the people,” said one of the protesters.

Members of the pro-democracy movement have a number of grievances with the GCC deal, including the movement’s exclusion from the negotiation’s process, the lack of real comprehensive change in the plan, especially in the military arena, and the granting of immunity to Saleh, his aides, and many others.

Due to a lack of transparency, no public document listing those who will be granted immunity has been released. However, off the record, members of the Joint Meeting Party (JMP), an opposition coalition, have admitted that some members of the opposition are included in the immunity deal.

Hope Restored

The Life March has revived hope that peaceful resistance is still possible even after ten long months of protest. In the many cities and villages protestors have passed through, they have been welcomed with cheers, music, food, and shelter. Along the protest route, many have also joined the march. A number of Facebook groups have been created to document the march, and a live stream has been setup for people to follow the protestors’ journey.
By fostering new forms of resistance, Taiz city has become a symbol for innovation and inspiration in Yemen. This trend has continued with the Life March, making people feel proud and hopeful once more.

Implications & Challenges
The ruling party has accused the JMP of inciting protestors to march from Taiz to Sana’a. In particular, the party has accused Hamid al-Ahmar, a businessman and prominent figure in the Islah party, of funding the life march to disrupt the GCC agreement. Some political analysts believe that Hamid al-Ahmar and other players, who have not found a place in the GCC deal, may have incentives to halt the plan. The ruling party has also called for GCC mediation and threatened to derail the GCC deal if the Life March is not stopped.

Protestors at the Life March have denied the ruling party’s allegations and have stated that neither the JMP nor any other group has been involved in organizing the march.
While the march has certainly invigorated the revolutionary spirit, not all pro-democracy activists support the initiative. Some feel that it is a waste of time, and that effort should be placed on building pressure groups to oversee the newly formed national government.

The Pro-Democracy Movement and the GCC Deal
While the majority of pro-democracy activists feel that the GCC initiative and implementing mechanism are imperfect, not everyone agrees on the current and future actions that the movement should take. Currently, the movement is divided between those who disregard the GCC deal entirely and do not feel the need to address any of its components, and those who believe that the GCC initiative and its implementing mechanism are imperfect, but insist that the movement should participate in the political process and form new political parties and pressure groups.

There is also another group, within the movement, that supports the GCC initiative as the only viable solution. Munir Al-Mawery, an outspoken activist abroad and member of the national council, wrote in an op-ed piece in Al-Masdar online “If Parliament refused to pass the immunity law, this will be a precious gift to the deposed president and his family who will seize the opportunity to thwart the initiative, cancel the presidential elections and allow the return of the ousted president to his palace.”

Conclusion
While the GCC initiative and implementing mechanism provide one possible exit to the deadlock, it did not involve popular participation and, therefore, did not address any of the street’s demands. With real grievances ignored, and no representatives to speak on their behalf, many Yemenis feel alienated and disappointed.

The Life March demonstrates that the revolution will continue and evolve into different forms. Political players have yet to learn that the Yemeni people will no longer tolerate a system of exclusion. If a real solution is to be reached, protestors and major stakeholders need to be part of the process. Collective participation is the only way to give the people a sense of ownership and endow the political process with real legitimacy.

Human connection is what it's all about

2011-12-14T13:35:00.007+02:00

In the past couple of days, I have been extremely pessimistic, negative, and sad regarding the situation in Yemen. Today, a small incident reminded me of the many positive elements of Yemen.

While sitting in the taxi, on my way to a meeting, the car stopped at a red light. To our right sat a group of four men, who managed to turn the broken sidewalk into a picnic spot. They were eating some salta & bread. As soon as they saw us, they screamed ghada, ghada... lunch lunch, and gestured with their hand for us to join them. We did not join them. The driver thanked them, and then drove off, but my smile remained.

Many of us living in Yemen have had this experience multiple times. This is just one tiny example of many, that demonstrate the hospitality and friendliness of the people in Yemen. This human connection is what makes Yemen so special, and keeps us smiling despite all the troubles.

Lunch time at change square in Sana'a, Yemen

Yemen's GCC Initiative: Cosmetic or Comprehensive Change?

2011-11-30T22:05:00.001+02:00

First Published on Al-akhbar

After nine months of mass protests calling for an end to the regime, and six months after the initial Gulf Cooperation Council’s (GCC) initiative was submitted, Ali Abdullah Saleh signed the GCC’s implementing mechanism on 23 November 2011, at a ceremony in Saudi Arabia. The deal involved the transfer of his powers to Vice President Abd Rabu Mansour Hadi, in return for immunity from prosecution. A national unity government will be created, evenly divided between the opposition and Saleh's ruling party.

While the GCC implementing mechanism marks the first step in a political process on the long road to change, it fell short of the comprehensive change protesters have been demanding for some 10 months. It fails to appropriately restructure the military, ignores a large section of the population, grants Saleh immunity instead of serving justice and provides for elections that allow only one pre-determined winner.

On the day of the signature, confusion loomed in Yemen and mixed feelings surfaced in the streets of the capital.

Some expressed hope that this signature would save Yemen from economic and humanitarian collapse, others expressed happiness because “this dictator was forced to sign and relinquish his power to the vice president, and the JMP and the youth” said Ahmed, a member of the opposition coalition, the Joint Meeting Party (JMP).

Not everyone shares Ahmed’s enthusiasm. “I am not happy because we went to the street to demand an end to the regime and the current system, not just the removal of one man,” said Fatima al-Aghbary, protester and member of an independent youth coalition. Many protesters echoed Fatima’s worries, expressing feelings of betrayal and deep disappointment with the JMP.

At the outset of the demonstrations, groups representing most of the pro-democracy coalitions at the square came up with a list of demands. At the top of the listarticulated by the Coordinating Council of the Youth Revolution of Change (CCYRC) in March is the “removal of the current regime peacefully and removal of all its figures and all members of the President’s family and his relatives from all leadership posts in the military and civil institutions.”

The GCC implementing mechanism is imperfect, but from a diplomatic standpoint is an acceptable solution. While it is a compromise between the different formal political parties in Yemen, it is also a good compromise for foreign countries that have interests in the country – mainly Saudi Arabia and the United States. Supporting the GCC mechanism means that both countries can show some support for the democracy movement, but at the same time maintain an old system that is beneficial to both Saudi Arabia and the United States.

Saudi Arabia is not keen on seeing independent civic youth take leadership, as this pro-democracy movement could spill over into neighboring Saudi Arabia. The United States on the other hand, has a deep relationship with the current government due to its counter-terrorism unit and the “war on terror,” and therefore would not want to see that relationship disappear.

Given the complexity of interests involved in Yemen it is no wonder the plan contains many vague stipulations that could be interpreted in various ways.

Military restructuring

One of the main problems in Yemen is family/tribal control over the military and security apparatus, which therefore provides that family/tribe total control over state resources. For example, the son of the president heads the Republican Guards and the Special Counter-terrorism Forces; the nephew of the president controls the Central Security Forces; and the president’s brother controls the Air Force.

It should come as no surprise then, that the democracy movement called for a restructuring of the military as a means to end the military/family dictatorship. The movement demands: “Dissolving the political security forces and national security forces, and forming a new national security agency under the umbrella of the Ministry of Interior,” in addition to, “merging the Republican Guards with the military forces, and dissolving the national defense council to ensure full impartiality of the army and security forces.”

According to the GCC implementing mechanism, the new government will appoint a committee to "restructure" the security forces, including the army, the police and the intelligence services, headed by VP Hadi. While this sounds great in theory, it remains unclear what powers this committee will have to make real reforms, especially since it is very unlikely that Hadi will be able to push for these reforms, as he is considered to be weak and uninfluential.

More worrisome, is that there is no clear stipulation that bans the son or nephews of the president from remaining in their posts. In addition, any recommendation to remove government forces will also mean the need to remove Ali Mohsin, the “defected” military General, from his post. This could either lead to renewed military clashes between the two sides, or the restoration of an old friendship between Ali Mohsin and the Saleh clan as the only way for both camps to stay in power.

The day after the signing, large billboards appeared in the streets of Sana’a, showing Saleh and his son Ahmed, in military uniform, by his side. The text on the billboard reads: “You raised your son very well, that is why he will always remain by your side.” These billboards are an indication of the future plan to keep the son in his sensitive and powerful position.

The extent to which the committee is able to restructure the security forces and the military, will lead to the same extent of real change in Yemen. If these security forces are not dissolved, or merged into one national security agency, then the shadow of Saleh and the system he created will continue to rule the country.

Lack of inclusion

The GCC initiative and mechanism only addressed the formal political parties, and disregarded those who were the fuel for the mass people’s revolution: the youth. It also overlooked the powerful political groups with wide grassroots support, such as the Houthis and the southern secessionists. Since these important groups were not part of the discussion, they naturally do not feel ownership of it, and therefore feel that it is not binding for them.

These groups will most likely also be excluded from the unity government that divides seats between the JMP and the ruling party. In addition, since the JMP is made up of different political parties, it is unclear to which extent parties other than the dominant Islamist Islah party, will be represented.

In addition, although the mechanism indicates that “national dialogue” will take place with the presence of youth, women, Houthis and southern secessionists, it is unclear whether a new government that is seen as illegitimate will be able to mediate such talks. There might be a need for an honest broker in the middle to carry such a heavy burden. This might be a place where independents can fill the gap.

Women on the other hand were mentioned very briefly in the implementing mechanism, despite the fact that they were part of the revolution from the beginning. The mechanism states that women should have “appropriate representation” in the new government. The vagueness of the term “appropriate” will create widespread debate, and of course the interpretation will differ from group to group.

Women’s groups need to push for real representation at the decision making level and to be part of all the important committees, including the constitutional committee.

Immunity clause v. justice

After the deaths and injuries of hundreds of peaceful protesters and civilians, the immunity clause given to Saleh and his close allies feels like “a slap in the face” says Ali, a 19-year-old protester. The immunity clause violates the youth’s demand that seeks to “legally pursue and prosecute corrupt officials that caused, assisted and incited the killing and injuries of peaceful protesters.” From a diplomatic standpoint, the immunity clause was a necessary compromise in order for Saleh to agree to sign.

The immunity clause not only goes against the demands of the people, and against human rights, but it’s also a dangerous precedent to set in a society that will take matters into its own hands if justice is not served.

Realizing such inherent dangers, the implementing mechanism tried to address this concern by emphasizing the creation of a national commission for human rights, charged with investigating individual complaints regarding human rights violations and compensating victims.

But despite multiple redrafts the rights commission was excluded from the final agreement. With no court to intervene, the families of victims of violence such as the March 18 sniper attacks on peaceful Sana’a protesters, resulting in 50 deaths, will feel alienated. Finding no legal means to seek justice, the victims and their families may take matters into their own hands. In a society with a tradition of revenge, this could stir a cycle of retribution leading to years of war.

One-person election

The upcoming election scheduled for February 21 will be a grand show to mark the beginning of a new phase. But the new phase will begin with a flawed process – an uncontested election. Both the JMP and the ruling General People’s Council (GPC) agreed in the implementing mechanism to accept one candidate: Abd Rabu Mansour Hadi, in order to move past the political deadlock.

Of course many different electoral systems exist, but this one-person election will naturally not sit well with the Yemeni people. As elections imply a way for an electorate to select someone among multiple candidates for office, the upcoming “election” is more of an “appointed” post rather than an election.

Having an election might emphasize the importance of a process. However when the process is a failed one, wouldn’t that legitimize an illegitimate process? It is precisely for this reason that some independent youth are deciding whether to select another candidate for the elections, even if it is just a symbolic move.

A legally binding signature may not be enough to ensure that elections will be conducted in a timely fashion. It is not beyond question that Saleh, or the people around him, may continue to create conflict either to postpone elections, to prolong his stay, or to make sure his son remains in a powerful post. Also problematic is that the GCC implementing mechanism places a lot of importance on one person: Abd Rabu Hadi Mansour. What if he suddenly dies, or is killed? Will both sides be able to agree on another candidate? Will elections be postponed indefinitely?

Conclusion

While the GCC implementing mechanism has some important stipulations, it should be placed in a context where the rule of law is absent, and implementation is often lacking. In the absence of an independent judiciary, who will monitor the implementation? Time will unravel the answers to the many questions that still remain.

Despite all these imperfections, Saleh has legally signed away his political career. It is up to the people in the street to make sure that happens, and to continue to push for broad changes. Independent groups should form pressure groups to monitor the implementation of the mechanism and to put pressure on the new transitional unity government.

The hope for Yemen is that the independent civic groups will organize to become the third voice in order to bring true democracy to Yemen.

Revolutionary addiction

2011-11-30T18:49:00.001+02:00

“Everyform of addiction is bad, no matter whether the narcotic be alcohol or morphineor idealism.”

- CarlGustav Jung quotes

It’s hard to understand an addictionunless you’ve experienced it, and most of us have experience one form oranother at some point in our life. I recently came to the realization that Ihave an addiction called the Revolution.

I’m a person who loves life and wants toenjoy every second of it. But for the past ten months, all I could talk aboutis politics, and most of the activities I have been engaged in are related tothe revolution. While I’ve always loved politics, it never completely and utterlyconsumed me like this before. Since January, my life has turned upside down.

I didn’t realize the negative side of it,until I noticed that I no longer talk about anything other than the Revolution.I miss talking about "nothing" and enjoying it. I miss laughing with friends sohard until tears roll down. I miss talking about what dress I wish was on sale,and what the latest movie is. I miss reflecting internally on how I feel. I misstalking to friends about their relationship problems. I miss talking to mybrother and sister about their first year in university.

This obsession is making me miss out onimportant daily life, and its draining me emotionally.

I miss my old me.

Despite the irony that my friend pointedout of simultaneously wanting my OLD self back, and dreaming of a NEW Yemen, Ineed to step on the breaks and take a moment to reflect in order to rememberthat life is bigger than just one moment in history.

This is why I decided that I must undergothese 10 Steps of Revolution Rehab. I’m sure I’m not the only onesuffering from this illness. If you are as well, here are some steps that couldhelp you triumph over the addiction.

Admit that you are powerlessover the Revolution – and that you life has become solely dedicated to it.  
Actively take weekends forR&R (rest and recuperation) to restore your sanity.  
Admit that in the process ofyour addiction, you may have neglected those closest to you, including familyand friends. Seek apology from them.
Take a couple of hours eachday to do non-Revolution related activities. Facebook and Twitter do not count.
Actively seek artisticnonpolitical activities. Try to express yourself through the arts.
Stay away from the computerfor one entire day.
Dedicate at least one day aweek to doing absolutely nothing related to the revolution. You can not talkabout it, think about it, or do anything related to it.
Engage in conversation thatis not related to the revolution at least once a day.
Do not go to change squarefor one entire week.
Do not attend ademonstration for one entire week.

كن يمنيا وحسب! شعر الدكتور نزار الحبشي

2011-11-16T09:46:00.000+02:00

أسمي يمني بن يمني اليمني
أنا يمني وبطاقتي يمنية وحسب
لا ينتقص من وطنيتي وولائي عصبية إنتماء لحزب أو قبيلة أو منطقة أو مذهب
ولائي لليمن وحدها، لا يشكاركها ولائي أحد
عشقي لليمن وحدها، لا ينافسها في عشقي لها أحد
ثُرت من أجلها هي وحدها.... وحدها هي فقط
ثُرت من أجلها لم أنتظر إذن ولا توجيه من أحد
ثُرت من أجلها لا أنتظر نفقة من أحد
ثُرت من أجلها لا أطمع في مال أو منصب أو سلطة أو نيل رضا من أحد

ترفعت دوما أن أكون جزء من النظام حاكمٌ أو معارض
لم يصرف لي الحاكم يوما مبلغا من المال أو سيارة أو قطعة أرض بلا حق
لم أستغل علاقتي به قط لأحصل على تسهيل أو منحة لأبني أو منصب أملأ به كرشي بغير حق
لم يكن لي من الوظائف مثنى وثلاث ورباع أستلم رواتبها بغير حق
لا أستلم مال من جارة ولا صديقة ولا أستمع الأوامر من أحد
لم أطلق طلقة في الهواء، لم أقتل أحد ولم أنهب شئ من أحد
أحترمت ديني وسموت به فلم أجعله سلعة أزايد بها على أحد
لم أستخدمه لأجعل من الحق باطل والباطل حق متى ما أردت

حررت نفسي أولا ففاقد الشئ لا يعطيه لأحد ناهيك عن البلد
ثُرت ضد كل الباطل ومن أجل كل الحق
سأقول للباطل باطل وللحق حق لن أنافق أو أخاف من أحد
فالثورة من أجل اليمن وليست من أجل أحد

يمني أصيل نقي كالذهب
فلا تتباهي عليّ يا من أمتلكت بطاقة عضوية في حزب أو تبعية لأحد
لا تزايد عليّ بمجرم أو فاسد من الماضي لم يرحم لعقودٍ البلد
إياك أن تدعوني مندس أو مثير للفتن
فالذي بيته من زجاج لا يرمي بيتاً أحجاره من أرض البلد
أترك هويتك "الفوق يمنية" فالحديد لا يتكبر على الذهب
كن يمنيا خالصا، كن جزء من الذهب!
إنها ثورة من أجل اليمن..... وحسب.

د. نزار الحبشي

Hopes & Fears -London Conference on Cyberspace

2011-11-07T16:24:00.003+02:00

I recently spoke at the LondonConference on Cyberspace in a session entitled Hopes and Fears. Here is a copy of the speech I gave.

Photo by @LondonCyber

A while back, I stood in front of anarmored vehicle and snapped a photo while my hand was shaking, and since then,I thought to myself, nothing will ever make me feel intimidated again. But today, being part of this distinguishedpanel, I realize that is not true.

As a blogger, researcher andactivist I heavily rely on internet on a daily basis, especially since thestart of the peaceful resistance movement.

I will try to summarize how social media has helped us inYemen and in the region.

Breaking the fear & silence:living under constant fear of speaking out, there is something comforting aboutbeing behind a computer screen. It givesa false sense of security, but enables more people to be vocal. A professor of mine took the class once to acomputer lab, and we had the same discussions we usually have inside theclassroom, but in the computer lab, behind the computer screens, more peoplejoined the discussion. This is just oneexample of the psychology of being behind the computer screen.

Organizing: While the bulk ofmobilization efforts in Yemen happens through word of mouth, radio, brochuresand SMS services; sites such as facebook helped in organizing events on theground. The social and politicallistserves & the facebook groups on various topics, helped people meet eachother from different parts of the country. It connected people with similar interests that otherwise would havenever met. Groups were created based ondifferent interests to discuss ways to solve many prevailing issues in thecountry. During the revolution, thesegroups, some of which are closed groups were the hub of organizing for nextday’s marches.

Spreading news: Due to lackof independent media in Yemen, where both political opposition and governmentmedia lack credibility, new media has become a valuable source of informationfor news. Twitter has also become a veryimportant source of information for spreading information to the world minuteby minute. This became even moreimportance since Yemen has few foreign journalists. Twitter became a link to the outsideworld. In addition, due to the lack ofindependent media, social media sites became valuable source of information fornews. Many bloggers felt that their roleshould be to provide an objective source of information for citizens and theworld.

Documenting human rights violations:technology has enabled activists to better document violations and helpedspread them instantaneously through live streaming, use of mobiles to photographand videotape events, and then sending them to human rights organizationsthroughout the world.

Global solidarity: the onlineworld has become an arena of global solidarity. When I received an e-threat once on my youtube account, I took a screenshot of the threat, and posted it on twitter. Two hours later, the person who threatened me had received numerouscomplaints on his/her youtube page, by people I didn’t even know. Two days later, that person shut his/heryoutube channel.

The internet has also helped bridge the gap between the“east” and the “west”, making us all realize how close we are as human beings,and how much we have in common.

Learning and knowledge sharing:In the past, everything was controlled by government, with the introduction ofinternet, no one has control over what we can read, and watch. Internet is a sea of information, that allowsus to fish anything we want and at anytime. No longer can governments block our right to access thatinformation.

In addition, the internet has transformed the way we doresearch. How many of us open google orWikipedia immediately when starting a research? In countries with few libraries, the internetprovides an opportunity for us to navigate mass information from our own home. It also gives us the opportunity to visitworldwide art galleries from the comfort of our home. Those who would like to study abroad but cannot afford it, can no enroll in e-learning classrooms.

Now, I am not one to say that facebook or twitter createdthe revolutions that swept the Arab world. We have been calling for change for a long time. People are the agents of change, and theinternet is one tool out of many tools such as radio and SMS that can help.

To give you an example, if you need to go to work, you canwalk, but it might take you a long time. Now if you were given a fast car, a sports car, and also had some technoor fast music in the car, you would get there much faster, and people allaround will hear the blasting music. That is how social media and internet has helped, by accelerating theprocess, not by creating the change.

Of course there are many challenges to the internet.

The urban/rural digital divide, enhanced by the illiteracy rates means that those in the main cities have full advantage of what the internet has to offer, while those in rural areas do not receive all the benefits.
Language barrier is also present. Those who speak English have more access to what is online than others.
Security issues are of course of concern to those activists because many of these new technologies that help in spreading information, also help in tracking individuals. For example, live streaming is great for documenting violations, but it also gives the exact location of the person recording the video.
There is a lack of infrastructure needed for fast internet in developing countries, which needs to be enhanced for citizens to be able to utilize the internet.
There is also a fear that internet would pushing activists from being solely on the ground grassroots activists to activists only behind computer screens.

Despite these fears and chanllegnes, I believe that the internet is a tremendous technology that has not yet been used to its fullest potential. I also believe that the benefits outweigh the challenges. Every new technology has challenges, but I have faith that our human race will continue to develop and improve this technology to the benefit of humanity and freedom everywhere.

Thank you.

Simple ways to support Yemen from abroad

2011-10-18T00:41:00.000+02:00

Here are a few ideas for how you can help Yemen from abroad. These are very broad and general ideas, but any effort is helpful and much appreciated. Once the Support Yemen website is running, it will include more detailed information regarding each point.

Read more about Yemen, understand it, and talk to your friends about it. (ask us for book recommendations if you like).
Know that it's ok to say I don't understand Yemen, after all it's a VERY complicated country.
For people on twitter, don't RT information on numbers of deaths or injuries without a source, because that could unintentionally contribute to misinformation which could be harmful to the cause.
Show a film about Yemen and hold a discussion after wards. You can invite activists to speak via skype.
Write about Yemen in your blog, website or on your facebook wall.
Add a book on Yemen to be read and discussed in your book club.
Hold a march to support Yemen and pass out leaflets and information about the events in the country.
Circulate information from various parts of Yemen, not just the capital.
Circulate local blogs.
Lobby your government using reports by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International on Yemen. In addition, to reports by local human rights groups and independent coalitions.
Link Yemeni revolution to broader issues of social equality, freedom, and justice throughout the world.
Circulate information about the humanitarian situation, daily life, power outages, increase in prices, and economic disaster.
Circulate as many videos and photographs as possible.
Help us consolidate all websites on the Yemeni Revolution.
Help raise funds for local humanitarian organizations to help alleviate ongoing crisis.
Help set up a photography exhibit on the Yemeni Revolution.
Help raise funds for Yemeni activists to come speak at an event in your school, organization, or community.
Create a supportYemen group in your community and join the Support Yemen campaign. People in Yemen can provide the information, videos, photographs, and people abroad can do awareness raising, hold events, and campaign for Yemen. (website coming soon: http://supportyemen.org/)

In the end, I would like to thank any of you, who took a moment to help Yemen. Our struggle is a struggle for freedom and humanity, and you are an important part of the movement.

SupportYemen: Break the Silence Video in English

2011-10-10T01:32:00.001+02:00

Video in English highlighting some of the reasons why people went to to the street in Yemen and demands of the revolutionaries.

A Wedding & 84 Funerals

2011-09-21T19:17:00.000+02:00

Dance, when you'rebroken open.
Dance, if you've torn the bandage off.
Dance inthe middle of the fighting.
Dance in your blood.
Dance whenyou're perfectly free.

- Rumi

Six months after Friday of dignity, when 50 peaceful protesters were killed, another brutal attack began resulting in over 100 deaths and over 500 wounded. A 10 month old baby boy was killed by astray bullet while in his car, over one hundred martyrs, tens ofbodies were shattered to pieces by mortars, and others killed andwounded by snipers on rooftops, amongst them two people I know. Thegruesome images I saw made my stomach turn. How can people resort tosuch horrific measures against their own people.

The attacks left me shocked, horrifiedwith uncontrollable tears. Not only because I am sad, but alsobecause I was worried of what will become of this revolution. Iworried that some people who joined the revolution solely forpersonal and political gains will drag the it to hell. Mostpeople told me not to worry too much, we will deal with this at alater phase.I am not convinced.

In the midst of this sadness, anxiety and worry, we had to celebrate our cousin's wedding! As customary in Yemeni tradition, men and women have separate weddings. The bride's wedding was onTuesday and the groom's was on Wednesday.

On Tuesday morning, instead of wakingup to music celebrations for the wedding, we woke up at 3:30 a.m. byloud explosions and gun fire that continued until noon. Our windowswere shaking from impact. We live around 2 km away from the Zira'ahentrance to change square. I couldn't help but wonder how the peoplethere were feeling. Will they be ok? how many people will loose a loved one? how many children will be orphaned? how many wives will be widowed. I spent my time makingfrantic phone calls to change square to check up on people I know..

Icalled my aunt at noon to check if the wedding was still on. She informed me that they changed the venue from thewedding hall to the house, and that it will start around 4 p.m. The earlier the better for security reasons. She told me that the bride was crying the night before, after all, a very important day of her life was mixed withexplosions, death, and injury. In addition, they lost all the moneyfor the hall as it is non-refundable! They also had added expensesbecause they needed to rent a tent for the guests coming to thehouse.

When I got up to get dressed I feltstrange. How can I dress up, put make up on, and go to a“celebration” when people are dying. Torn about what to wear, Idecided to wear a black dress as a sign of mourning.

As I got there at 4:30 p.m., I expectedthat many people won't show up. I was surprised to find the tentFULL of women in sexy clothes, with full make up on. The singer'sgreat voice made the room clap in unity and many women got up todance.

As I sat there listening to the musicand watching the women dance I felt that I was in the twilight zone. Naturally, my mind was confused. I couldn't comprehend how I can gofrom fear and depression to happiness and celebration in a shortperiod of time. To give you a better picture, listen to this 20 second clip, the first 10 seconds is what I was hearing all morning until noon; the second 10 seconds is the sounds from the wedding in the afternoon.

The dramatic shift was hard to comprehend. Except for myself, everyone seemed to naturally make a quick switch in mood. The women took breaks and talked aboutthe ongoing violence, many recapped how hard it was for them to leavethe house, but despite that they insisted on coming anyways. The bride and the family surely appreciatedthat.

At first, I judged them, how do theyhave it in them to dance when people are dying?!! how can they not think about the people giving up their life for change?? Then, I rememberedsomething I read somewhere that suggested that in war torn countries, nightlifethrives. Despite the war, people always partied at night. I foundit odd at that time, but I now finally understand how that canhappen. In the midst of anger, frustration,fear and sadness; dancing becomes a great way to eject all thesefeelings from your body. I myself love to dance, so I understand thepower of it.

WhenI accepted that, I was finally able to celebrate one of my favoritecousin's wedding in an appropriate manner, but at the same timeremember the martyrs who's faces will never be forgotten. For themwe will keep the peaceful movement alive, and for them we willcontinue the struggle. For them, we will also live, so that we can honor their memory in every place we go.

By the end of Tuesday night, there were 84 deaths, and at least one wedding that I knew of. Wedon't know how long this conflict will last, so as hard as it is, we must make lifehappen even in the midst of death, or else will become zombies walking this earth but not really living it or contributing to our cause.

Drawing the line between career & ethics, a personal letter to journalists

2011-09-17T17:40:00.002+02:00

This post is a letter addressed to somejournalists in Yemen. At the outset, let me admit that this post isSO trivial, especially in light of what's currently happening in thecountry. I blame frustration and fatigue for this piece. Nevertheless, the subject was making me upset, so I decided to write about it and hear your thoughts on whether I'm justified in feeling this way or not.

Dear journalists,

I was shocked when I found out thatsome of you attended a party at the palace last week. I understandthat working in Yemen is different than other countries, and that inorder for a meeting to take place, you have to have many informalmeetings first. In addition, lunch or a qat session often count as“meetings” here. But to me, going to a party at the palace(during this time), where public money is spent to provide yourentertainment, food, and drinks was crossing the line. It can not beconsidered a meeting, even in the very informal atmosphere of Yemen.

Of course journalists need to meet bothsides, and of course you have the right to meet with the nephews andthe sons of the president if you please, but a party does notconstitute a meeting. (note, in Yemen, unlike other countries, it'sSUPER easy to meet any top government official, so please stopshowing off about how you met them, it doesn't reflect yourjournalistic abilities, it just reflects the friendly country youlive in).

Going to a party at the palace issurely a great way to build your contact network, and a good way tomake friends with the government for “protection purposes”, butisn't it against journalistic integrity to attend these parties?Surely if your bosses know they might be upset? (or at least I hopeso!).In addition, where would you draw the line between what is acceptable and what is not, what is ethical and what is not.

If you were based in Libya, would youattend a party thrown by Saif al-Islam? And if you did, would youunderstand why the revolutionaries would be quite upset about that?

I know that socially, there are veryfew things to do in Yemen, and maybe it was curiosity that drew youthere, but please note that your actions have consequences on yourreputation in Yemen. I also hope that you can think about thisaction more deeply and see it from different perspectives.

Maybe I'm too idealistic, but I also know that reality is often not black or white, most of the time things are in the grey.

Finally, I'm sorry if I offended you, it is really not my intention. If it was any other time, Iwouldn't be as critical. In the end, you have the right todo whatever you want, and I have the right to feel anyway I want :) To the journalists who's profiledoesn't fit this description, I apologize about this post, and Iobviously don't mean YOU by it.

Sincerely,

a concerned citizen

p.s writing this out did make me feelbetter, so thanks!

Images from Friday of "Sincere Friday"

2011-09-16T19:52:00.002+02:00

Like every Friday since February, thousands of pro-democracy protesters went to the street today to call for change. As usual, they prayed Friday prayer on 60 road and a group of youth were engaged in a project called "messages to the world". Protesters reaffirmed their commitment to peaceful resistance by hand painting on a white fabric 300 meters long. This idea was initiated in Taiz, and is now being repeated in the capital Sana'a. See some images from today below, and if you want to see more images click here

Sacrifices of a revolutionary

2011-09-11T21:20:00.000+02:00

Samir, a protester in Sana'a who has been camped at the square for seven months looked quite upset today. I asked him if like many of us, the current situation is making him depressed. He said: "a little, but it's more the personal problems". "Like what?" I inquired. he responded:

"well, recently my parents stopped talking to me, my wife left me and took the kids with her to the village, and on top of that I lost my job. All of this because I've been camped at the square for seven months now. My family and everyone in my village are pro-government. They are upset about my involvement in the revolution. I tried to go see my wife and kids in the village, but the sheikh of the village promised to detain me and take me to the security forces if I ever showed up.

The revolution has to succeed or else all this was for nothing"

The revolution must succeed for Samir, for hundreds of martyrs, for thousands of wounded, for children who lost their parents, and for parents who lost their children. The revolution must succeed for oppression, tyranny, and injustice to end and for freedom, justice, and equality to prevail.

Freedom and Slavery, a desert awakening

2011-09-10T22:11:00.015+02:00

After seven months of constant protests, electricity cuts, water and fuel shortage, price increases, regular political discussions, and constant worry, we decided to take a beak and sought refuge in the western Egyptian oasis of Siwa. An oasis with numerous springs in the midst of a sea of sand. It's simply a piece of heaven.

The first time I visited Siwa was in May of 2009 and I was in awe at its beauty (I wrote this piece after I returned). This month, I returned to the desert and I was struck again by the silent beauty of the sea of sand. I was also struck by the freedom I felt there.

For months, we have been struggling for freedom from oppression and dictatorship in Yemen. To be free is a human need, but are we all completely free?

Sitting on the soft sand without my "essential" items such as my phone, internet, music or black eyeliner, I realize that we are all enslaved to some thing. Whether it's the news, or to what people and society may think of us, or to fashion or or or...the list can be very long. Maybe as human beings, we tend to accumulate things because we are in search of filling that void inside us.

At the desert, I felt liberated because I was able to enjoy my days without any material possessions, instead I was connecting with my inner self. In my daily busy life, there are many external voices always hovering around me, like an annoying bee. This makes it very difficult to hear anything else or to connect with what your body and soul really need. The silence of the desert allowed me to connect to my soul. Time stood still and my mind and body took a moment to relax.

The desert not only taught me freedom but also appreciation of natural beauty. We spend so much time in front of "screens" whether it's TV, computer or a phone. I think we have forgotten how to look beyond these screens. We need to separate from that once in a while, and re-learn to enjoy nature and what it has to offer.

Appreciation of natural beauty can also be extended to our own bodies. Behind a sand dune and away from the four other people with me, I took off my clothes to go to the bathroom. I felt nervous at first but I quickly realized that I was completely alone. That 10 seconds felt like an eternity. I looked up, right, left, but no one was there except for the stars looking down at me. At the point, I smiled at the freedom of being "naked".

In the greatness of the sand dunes I also realize the insignificance of our own existence. The biggest event in my own history, the revolution, feels like a drop in the sea of sand. It's just one event out of many in this world. With time, things will change. The sun will always rise, and there will always be another day.

During this visit, I recharged by battery using solar energy. Then I became undone, I restarted, and refreshed.

For more photos of Siwa visit this page

Some thoughts on the media blackout

2011-08-27T15:28:00.011+02:00

There is an ongoing discussion on why Western mainstream media is not writing or broadcasting enough material about the Yemeni revolution.

I was back in the US this summer, and many people I spoke to there, did not know that the peaceful protesters are still camped at the squares. They thought that the peaceful protests were over because the media had stopped giving them a voice.

In this post I will list some of the theories that people have regarding the media blackout. I don't necessarily agree with all these points, but I would like to list them all here in order to have a discussion about it.

Theories on media blackout:
1) People just don't care about "Yemen", after all they just recently found out this country exists. Same people knew about"crazy" Qadhafi for years, and Syria was also known especially for it's link to "scary" Iran. But, Yemen..it's still brand new for media. (of course Yemen is home to one of the oldest civilizations in the world)

2) Journalists find it hard to understand Yemen due to its complicated history and various players on the ground. To them, the pro-democracy movement seems scattered and it is therefore very difficult to know who to talk to. Who is the spokesperson? Who can speak on behalf of the revolution? Etc

3) More analysis pieces need to be written to help everyone including the journalists with understanding Yemen, and yet editors are not necessarily eager to publish these analysis pieces. They are more interested in how many people died, where, and when. No depth, just fast facts. Why? Because everyone is obsessed with sending the story first, not enough people care about the quality of the story.

4) There are few western journalists in Yemen. However, there are many English speaking journalists in Yemen covering stories in all governorates. In addition, there are a lot more Western journalists in Yemen than there are in Syria, yet information from Syria is covered on a daily basis and not from Yemen. Why is that?

6) Mainstream western media is serving a specific agenda, that does not include promoting real change in Yemen. Without realizing it, western journalists repeat, like parrots, the standard government lines void of any analysis. How many times have you read the same exact information in different articles on the same day?!

7) We often hear about AQAP as the largest threat to the world, without proper investigation or analysis. Have we heard much about former Director of National Intelligence Dennis Blair's analysis that the drone attacks are “not strategically effective. If the drones stopped flying tomorrow, Blair told the audience at the Aspen Security Forum, “it’s not going to lower the threat to the U.S.” This is not the story the west wants its audience to hear.

Of course each one of these points needs further explanation, and I will try to elaborate on that soon in another post. No matter what the reasons are, the reality is, information on Yemen is scarce. Of course other countries in the region, like Bahrain, are suffering from the same blackout.

More importantly than why, is how can we circumvent this blackout and push Yemen and other countries in the media? We need to really push independent media to disseminate information that's missing from mainstream media.

We can't constantly blame journalists for all of this, they are trying hard to do their job, but it's our job as citizens to push them to always do their best. So with that, my advise to the journalists in Yemen is the following: if editors are refusing to publish deeper stories on Saudi's role in Yemen, the humanitarian situation of the IDPs, or the impact of drones on ordinary citizens for example, journalists should still write the story. Don't wait until you find an editor who agrees, write the story and then find an independent source to publish it if needed.

Finally, if your goal is to serve a community through writing about the truth, it won't matter if your name appears on the best selling newspaper or an independent online one.

Songs for Change

2011-08-23T03:11:00.001+02:00

She sang for change, hope & freedom, the Revolutionary voice of Miriam Makeba.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FP6CdNVzjC8

The daily "boom" sound

2011-08-18T00:02:00.004+02:00

As I've written in a previous post, living in Sana'a these days feels like sensory overload. Too much is happening, and too many sounds. Between thunderstorms, bullets, heavy artillary & fire works, it's often hard to differentiate between them all. I asked kids in my neighborhood to show me how to light a firework so I can get used to that specific sound. They only had a small type not the fancy loud one.

There are many different types of fireworks here. "Al-Gummally", who sells fireworks in the old city, has become famous these days for selling the best fireworks, or as my cousin said "fire weapons". He has all sorts of things form really tiny fireworks, to major independence day-like fireworks. It all depends on how much you are willing to pay. Fireworks were illegal at one point, but now that they're legal and encouraged, his business really profited. At least one business has not plummeted during this economic crisis!

Yemeni Macarena Dance?

2011-08-17T23:43:00.004+02:00

Video Taken at the Square in Sana'a on August 14, 2011 at 12:30 a.m.

The newly formed National Governing Council, will it govern in a new way?

2011-08-17T21:30:00.017+02:00

opposition members gathered outside the grand hall of Sana'a University on August 17

Today, August 17, Yemen's opposition groups met in the Grand Hall at Sana'a University, amidst tight security, for the formation of a national governing council to unite various groups in one legitimate opposition voice. The 1,000 members could only enter the Grand Hall after checking their ID's and obtaining their name cards.

Video of organizer handing out name cards to registered national assembly members

The Join Meeting Parties (JMP), Yemen's main opposition coalition, began circulating the idea for the governing council for a couple of weeks, and discussions have been underway between various forces. Initially, two of the largest groups outside the JMP, the Houthis and southern secessionists had agreed to join. However, at the last minute their position was unclear. Houthis announced their rejection of the council the night before due to a number of reservations including unfair representation. (for a list of reservations by the Houthis click here). The southern secessionists announced that they wanted 50% representation but it was unclear at the meeting whether they had fully rejected the council or not. Media inaccurately announced the presence of both the Houthis and the southern secessionists in the council.

Today's meeting was the first step in the forming of a legitimate opposition group that comprises many different political affiliations. More than a 1000 people gathered at the meeting today from various governorates and backgrounds. High ranking members of the JMP, independents, youth representatives, members of civil society and women's rights activists were present. For this council to be truly effective it will need to include the Houthis and the southern secessionists as they represent a large number of people and have a strong force. As stated in the meeting, the general assembly will remain open for any individual or group to attend.

Inside the Grand Hall during the National Council meeting

Structure:

With over 1000 people present, today's gathering served as the first meeting for the national assembly. From this national assembly of 1000 members, a national council was created of 143 individuals, of which 23 will serve as the executive committee, and will elect a president for the council. (click here for a list of the 143 names in Arabic)

As usual, there was lack of organization and insufficient time to have a real deep discussion on the issues. In today's large meeting, people were expected to give their comments, questions, and suggestions on a three page draft, in only two hours (since we started two hours late). It almost felt that organizers were doing this only as a formality. A more effective way would have been to have smaller working groups/focus groups meetings prior to this large meeting and then the 1,000 members can come together and discuss findings & suggestions at the meeting.

Nevertheless, it is a good first step for unification of the opposition. In addition, a group was tasked with drafting the blaws, plans, and tasks which will guide the council. Creating a process and ensuring transparency is key for legitimacy of this council.

Reactions:

A facebook survey results show that a vast majority of Yemeni facebookers strongly support this national council. While the majority of youth seem to accept this initiative as a step in the right direction, many feel hesitant about the intentions of the JMP. Some youth even rejected this idea, saying that the JMP is hijacking the revolution. Distrust between the independent youth and the JMP must be overcome for real collaboration to take place.

Three protesters at the square holding signs against the national council and in support of the previous youth led transitional council

People were feeling very tense for the past two days, especially after yesterday's speech by Saleh's and after Abdu al-Janadi, deputy information minister said that that the decision by the JMP to form a national council was "a declaration of a civil war." Nevertheless, the meeting went smoothly.

What next?

While this is a great first step, the legitimacy of this council will depend on the transparency of the group and on the internal democratic process. Many questions come to mind:

Will the national governing council govern differently than the previous government, given that many in the council members were part of the previous regime?

Will one political party be the key decision maker or will the collective group share in this responsibility? How will decisions be made?

Will there be oversight from the national assembly? how can members of the national assembly impeach members of the executive committee ?

How much collaboration will there be with people on the ground?

Finally, will the other forces including Houthis and southern secessionists be part of this council? the council needs to truly push for their inclusion in order to have a strong opposition united force.

I will say this again and again, the national council, is a great first step, but the success will depend on the way these questions are answered. The council fills me with worry, anticipation and hope at the same time. I worry that what if the independents are just used to legitimize a group that is identical to the previous regime? or could this be an opportunity to create a new democratic world?

Q & A on Movements.org

2011-08-12T03:45:00.001+02:00

Q & A on situation in Yemen on Movements.org

Movements.org:

Does the global press coverage of Yemen exaggerate the violence and/or chaotic aspect of what is going on there?

Atiaf:

If you mean, AQAP (Al-Qaeda in the Arab Peninsula), then yes i think it is exaggerated, as there has been no sufficient investigation to prove or disprove any of the claims.

If you are talking about violence by pro-Saleh entities against protesters, then no, I don't think it's exaggerated; I don't think it's covered enough. You don't hear much about the violence that's happening right now in Taiz, in Abyan, and in Arhab. What is completely missing is the humanitiaran aspect.

Movements.org:

Last time, we spoke about how activists were organizing in Facebook groups to coordinate and decide on what is next. There's now a transitional youth council in Yemen that looks as if it may wield or soon wield political power. Are they still using facebook to share ideas and make decisions?

Atiaf:

Yes of course. Facebook is still widely used to share ideas. Some groups are "private" for security reasons, and they only add people they know. Other groups are open for all, and anyone can share their ideas. The electricity problem, however, is not permitting as many to go online. No electricity means no Internet for the most part. The wealthy are trying to circumvent this problem by purchasing generators, while others have an Internet USB. But, the majority can't access internet when electricity is cut, unless they go to an Internet cafe.

Movements.org:

How likely do you think it is that the Yemeni non violent youth movement will have real political power within the year?

Atiaf:

That is a very hard question. In Yemen, it's very hard to predict anything as things are very complicated. Alliances can be made and broken within a week, and attacks can change the course of a group's goals. The youth are still struggling - they are still at the squares demanding change, but no one seems to be listening to them. Most people abroad don't even realize they are STILL camping out at the squares, and have been since February! Whether their demands will lead to real political power depends on a number of factors including the groups inside the country and pressure from foreign countries. The humanitarian crisis is not helping the situation, and it is making people not only suffer, but live in a tense environment. People are worried that a war could errupt at any moment. The role of political parties should be stronger, and they should push for political change in a more powerful way. The creation of a transitional council pushed the JMP (Joint Meeting Parties - the oppostion coalition) to try and work out the next steps forward.

Iftar under the candle light

2011-08-07T21:57:00.011+02:00

Iftar under the candle light sounds great, but it's not. It's one thing to enjoy iftar under the candle lights for one night, it's completely a different story if it's something constant, which it is. Since the start of the holy month, with the exception of today, we have lacked electricity for 22 hours of the day. We devour every minute of that hourly electricity we're getting. We often have so much to do during that previous moment. When the heavenly lights turn on, we jump with excitement. One of us quickly steps outside to turn on the water pump and the other gets the vacuum cleaner. Some days we both just turn on the computer and pray that internet connects quickly before electricity shuts again. Before we sleep my husband and I make sure to charge our two phones, two computers and of course our re-chargeable small lamp. At least if we charge those when electricity is cut we're able to use word for work or watch a movie on the computer to entertain ourselves.

Trrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrr Walking down the streets of Sana'a you still hear the honking horns and the loud shouting of people. You also hear a lot of "trrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrr" the generators that are in many stores. Everyone needs one now, and in fact yesterday we went on a four hour chase to try and get a tiny one. They are overly priced now, and in high demand. We will soon join this group of inconsiderate neighbors as we will have to buy a generator to be able to function. Internet is a must for work and light is necessary for my sanity. Yes, I truly am a product of the 21^st Century.

Sensory Overload for the past week, I've been on edge, with ears as strong as satellite antenas. I hear EVERYTHING and anything that sounds remotely close to a gun shot or an explosion I stop and think about it. I then turn to get a confirmation from my husband or anyone near by that what we heard was NOT an explosion. Given that we are having DAILY random fireworks and lots of thunderstorms, it's often hard to differentiate between thunder, fireworks and explosions. This is making me on edge with every little sound and making my husband really irritated by my constant questions.

Need a salary increase please $$$$ To go to our favorite cafe it used to cost us 250 Yemeni Riyal one way by taxi, now it's at least 500 YR. Fuel prices used to be 1,500 YR per dabba (20 liters), when fuel shortage occured it went up to almost 9,000 YR in the black market. It now went down to 3,500 YR and it is widely available (hence the trafic jams). While the prices has doubled from the original 1,500 to 3,500 YR I'm surprised that people are not complaining and in fact happy that we at least have fuel. Unlike the ghost town that Sana'a became for a short while, traffic jams are now back. The worry I have, and what seems very likely is that these price increases in fuel, transportation, and basic food items will stick even if prices are reduced.

But despite all these negative things, Sana'a seems to be coming back to life slowly. Sana'a is experiencing a typical Ramadan when life at night is the norm, but with major setbacks.

Of course these are very minute things compared to the greater issues facing people in Yemen such as death, human rights violations, hospitals that can't function, displaced people, malnutrition, water crisis.. etc.. the list can go on. This post is just a personal reflection of my day to day and as someone on twitter said, the accumulation of small distresses.

Yemen Times: Faces from Yemen's Revolution

2011-07-04T19:35:00.000+02:00

I'm honored to have been featured in the Yemen Times article, Faces from Yemen's Revolution, by Shatha al-Harazi

Roundtable Discussion Beyond the Arab Spring

2011-06-29T17:44:00.000+02:00

On June 22nd, 2011 I participated in a roundtable discussion hosted by the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) at the US Capitol's Rayburn buildling entitled Beyond the Arab Spring. The event was moderated by Laith Kubba from NED, and included activists from Bahrain, Egypt, Tunisa, Libya, and Syria who were asked questions by the moderator and given time to respond. It was a good opportunity to hear from different voices but due to the large number of speakers we were unable to indulge in detail on any specific issue or country.

Mideastreports summarized the event here. To view a video of the discussion click here:
Part I
Part II

Out of Yemen for one month

2011-06-27T20:50:00.005+02:00

Please excuse me because it's been one week and I haven't wrote a single post. I am out of Yemen now and in the US trying to spread awareness about what is happening in Yemen through meetings and lectures. There are many misconceptions about Yemen here, and a definite need for more information in English from the ground. But there are also many people working hard.

There are many things I would like to write about, and I'll do that once I have some free time.

Death and Celebration in Yemen, a message for Elham

2011-06-16T18:53:00.004+02:00

On Wednesday June 8, 2011, pro-Saleh supporters, thugs and members of the military celebrated the President's successful surgery by lighting fireworks, firing guns, machine guns, and heavy artillery, for tree hours throughout most neighborhoods of Sana'a. At first, people did not know what was happening. Many were frightened at the sounds of what seemed to be a war. Some women had a miscarriage, and others with heart problems suffered from heart attacks. State TV first announced the celebrations after 15 minutes, and at first they said that it was only fire works. Many people, like Elham's father, wanted to alleviate their children's fears of the loud noise by assuring them that it's only fire works. “Lets go to the rooftops so you can see for yourself” Elham's father told her. Minutes later, Elham, 11 years old, was hit in the head by a stray bullet. Six days later, she died and this is my message to her.

Dear Elham,

I just returned from visiting your family to give them my condolences on your passing. The black clothed and tear-eyed women do not normally gather in one room for a girl your age. But today, they are there to remember your innocence, your short life, and your unfortunate death due to the irresponsibility of the government.

Even if the attack was not deliberate, it is the responsibility of the government to keep its citizens safe, and when that doesn't happen, citizens have the right to seek justice. Unfortunately, in your situation, no justice can be served.

The celebrations for Saleh's successful surgery ironically, resulted in a number of injuries and deaths throughout the city. Celebration and death seem to go hand in hand these days in Yemen. No one will be blamed, and no one will be taken to court.

I sat next to your grandmother who told me that in the past “helicopters used to throw candy on rooftops during times of celebrations, but today they send bullets.” She then sighed and said “times have really changed.”

I'm sorry my dear Elham that your life was taken away from you at such an early age.

I'm sorry that justice won't be served. Who can your family sue? No one. During this time, anyone can kill anyone else and blame it on “stray bullets.” The government will do nothing, except maybe honor this act of loyalty.

I'm sorry that you grew up under a government that does not abide by rule of law.

I'm sorry that you grew up under a government that does not value human life.

I'm sorry that your brother and sisters will be forever traumatized whenever they hear of a “celebration”.

I'm sorry for so many things my dear, but I promise you, change will come one day.

Although I never met you, I want you to know, that I am saddened to see you depart this earth. I am sure your spirit will live on forever. You will be the memory that will remind us all to always seek justice.

Art at Change Square on BBC's the Strand

2011-06-15T23:11:00.002+02:00

An interview on BBC's the Strand about art at change square (chapter 1)
http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p00h1q83

Art at Change Square on BBC's the Strand

2011-06-15T23:11:00.000+02:00

An interview with BBC's the Strand about art at change square (chapter 1)
http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p00h1q83

What electricity cuts mean for us?

2011-06-12T15:54:00.003+02:00

** i was supposed to post this at 11:00 pm on the 11th but I only got back electricity 5 minutes ago (5 p.m. on the 12)

So, what does electricity cuts really mean?

It means the most obvious.. No electricity = no lights. It means reading and writing under a candle light, and while that sounds so nice, it's really just when you're watching a movie, in reality after a while it your eyes start to hurt.

It also means shortage of water. Why? because the water pump needs power and a long period of no electricity, means the pump no longer works. Ok so no problem, we'll just buy water right? Well, water now is three times the price. Even if we theoretically had water, no electricity means the water heater will not be working as it depends on the electricity, so IF we had water, we would only have cold water.

Long electricity cuts also means that everything in the fridge will go bad. You can't really buy much for fear it might get spoiled. You have to buy things on a daily basis, and for people that are super busy these days, and can't buy food on a daily basis it means our meals are limited to pasta, rice & canned goods. (I'm not complaining, thank God for this as many people can't afford basic food items).

No electricity also means no internet or TV. If you work from home and need internet (like I do), you must find an alternative place to work. For me I've practically moved into two separate coffee shops that I often frequent.

No electricity also means you can't charge your phone, your computer, or your batter =for your camera. Sometimes I plug those things in the wall just in case electricity turns on while I'm asleep. You never know when they decide to turn it on.

It also means that when you finally sleep, you may be woken up in the middle of the night by the lights in the room when the electricity suddenly returned at 3 a.m.

It also means you can't use your vacuum cleaner nor the washing machine. The other day, when electricity turned back on, I jumped to get the vacuum cleaner, I'm not sure when I'll see it again.

I used to love the romantic atmosphere of candles, now I'm starting to hate them.

So, why don't we buy a generator for electricity?

Well, petrol is in shortage and it's double or three times the price. We would have to spend hours getting gas, or try to find someone with connection that will get us the petrol. That would be ironic during a revolution when we are calling for change and an end to “corruption.” :)

In my village, we don't have electricity at night. I know this and because I know it, I accept it and I don't complain when I go. But here, we are supposed to have electricity, and I'm not mentally prepared for these daily cuts. The infrequent electricity is almost a tease. Maybe it would be better if we just never had electricity. Also, it's quite irritating to live behind the Parliament building (just 50 meters away) and see it very WELL lit, while we are in total darkness.

I just finished typing this but can't upload it because there is no electricity, and therefore no internet. My computer's battery will shut down in approximately 19 minutes. If I post this on June 11 it means electricity returned, if not, I'll wait until he next day.

The peaceful revolution is struggling to survive, but it's still alive

2011-06-10T21:33:00.011+02:00

To see more photos from both days click here

Peaceful protesters went to the streets four months ago calling for an end to the regime. During this time many developments happened, and many players interfered. Violent conflict occurred separated from this peaceful struggle between armed tribal members and government forces. Tension is mounting, and civil war might erupt. Despite these escalations, protesters still stand firm, they are still camped at change square, and are continuing their peaceful protests.

On June 7th, independent youth marched to the house of vice president Abd-Rabou Mansour calling for the immediate creation of an interim council and an end to the regime with all its components, because while Saleh is out for now, his immediate family members and relatives are still holding key positions in the military and security apparatus. They camped there for 24 hours until they were dispersed by members of the First Armored brigade, the military who vowed to protect protesters late March.

On June 11th, independent protesters organized a symbolic march inside change square condemning the US position in Yemen. The statement that was read on stage had four points, the following is only the first point related to the US

"Our peaceful revolution is writing itself in the books of history. As free revolutionaries, we stood firm for four months, calling for change, which led to the beginning of the end for Ali Abdullah Saleh's regime. However, we recognize that the regime has not yet fallen with all its components. We therefore emphasize the following:

We thank the US for calling for a transition of power, however, we condemn the U.S. position which supports the continuation of the same governing system as evidence by the following:

The United States is dealing with the current situation in Yemen as a political crisis and not a popular youth revolution. This is evident from US support and pressure for the GCC initiative without inclusion of the youth.

The United States is not working towards real regime change, by supporting the family members of Ali Saleh in key positions as head of military and security institutions under the pretext of combating terrorism.

The United States has not taken a firm stand against allegations that the Yemeni regime is using counter-terrorism arms and equipment funded by the US to suppress peaceful demonstrations"

To see more photos from both days click here

All that we have is our soul

2011-06-06T14:30:00.006+02:00

Last week I went to Jeddah for my sister's 'Agd, the signing of the wedding contract. while it was extremely difficult to leave Yemen behind, I really wanted to be with her on this important day.

I was supposed to return to Yemen on Thursday but my plane was delayed, then the airport closed. I kept having problems returning to Yemen and at the same time my family was begging me to stay in Saudi. Some said that the flight delays are probably a sign that I shouldn't return. My parents begged me not to return and said I should think of them and how worried they are.

While I hate making my family worry, I also can't imagine leaving Yemen at this time, so I decided to return no matter what. Upon hearing this, one of my uncles said «you are a hero, you have the choice to leave Yemen and yet you are returning», but that's exactly why I feel it is my obligation to return, precisely because I have the liberty of leaving, i should stay.

I am no hero. I have many things that serve as "protection" for me. One is that I am a woman, and while there have been attacks on women, it is less common then men. Second, I am a dual national, which makes Yemeni security think twice before detaining me (it's really unfortunate that a foreign passport provides more protection in your own homeland). Third, i have many contacts with the international community. So many

So, with all these things on my side, I feel that what I'm doing is just my obligation and duty since I have more space to do it. It's the least I should be doing. It's true I quit my job to be fully engaged in the movement. It's true I have no social life anymore, it's true that I face some threats that every activist faces, it's true I'm mentally and physically exhausted, it's true i chose the hardships of Sana'a over the stability of other countries, but this is what almost everyone in the movement is doing, and my sacrifices are very minimal compared to others. Real heroes are those who are sacrificing everything for the revolution even if they have no alternative.

Mohammed a 20 year old man joined the protests from the beginning. He believed in change and wanted to see a civil country. He had many hopes and dreams. Four days before his birthday he was killed by a sniper for participating in a peaceful march to call for change. Mohammed gave the ultimate sacrifice for Yemen, he gave his life.

Ali, a 40 year-old man, was fired from his job for joining the movement and not coming to work. He has four children and his wife is a house wife. He has no other source of income. Some may think his actions are irresponsible, but he said "I can't live in prison anymore, if we don't do this, my kids will have to live in the same prison I lived in, I am doing this for them. Money will come, but our dignity needs to be regained."

Abeer, has three jobs: being a full-time mother, a full-time teacher, and organizing seminars at change square. She is exhausted and said while her husband is fully supportive of the movement and of her work, they are engaging in many fights due to her frequent absence from the house.

Hamzah a 24 year old medical student, left his 4^th year in medical school in Cairo to join the movement. He has been camping in the university for over three months. He was planning to study and fly back to Cairo to take the final exams at the end of the year so he doesn't lose the entire year. However, he is unable to do that now. Hamzah is unable to leave the square for fear of being detained by security forces. He will now have to repeat the entire 4^th year of medical school. For him, joining the movement "is definitely worth it."

I speak English, I can relate to the West and people in the West can relate to me, that's why it's easy to find me and highlight my work. But there are many real heroes who are not seen or recognized. (see my previous post titled Hidden Heroes of the Revolution)

We are all doing this because of a sense of obligation and as singer Tracy Chapman put it, "all that we have is our soul" and our soul can't rest until justice is served.

FAQ: what in the world is happening in Yemen? Relationship between peaceful revolution & violent clashes

2011-05-31T20:06:00.005+02:00

Some media outlets have reported the recent clashes between government forces and armed tribesmen as clashes between anti-government protesters & government forces. This is simply incorrect. I understand that Yemen can be quite complicated and confusing, so below is a very basic frequently Asked Questions (FAQ) guide about the difference between the peaceful revolution and the armed tribal clashes.

When did peaceful protesters begin?

Different protests began from mid January, when youth inspired by the fall of Ben Ali's regime, took to the streets. The protests were not daily until the night of Mubarak's resignation on February 11^th when youth decided to hold sit-ins and camp out until the end of the regime. These protests spread nationwide, and day by day, more people joined, until it transformed into tent-cities. Since then protesters are still camped out there. When there is a march people leave to march but then return to the sit-in site. They have not left even after clashes began.

Did peaceful protesters take up arms against government?

For the past three months, peaceful protesters have NEVER taken up arms, even when attacked.

What is the difference between the attacks against peaceful protesters by government forces & the armed clashes between tribes and government forces?

The peaceful movement and the recent armed conflict are two separate issues. The armed clashes are between government forces & armed tribesmen loyal to Alahmar.

Peaceful protesters did not take up arms since the beginning. Government security forces and thugs repeatedly attacked peaceful protesters using live ammunition and snipers, expired tear gas, batons and rocks, which resulted in at least 250 deaths and thousands of injuries. The UN said reports indicated that in the latest attacks against peaceful protesters in Taiz had been killed by "Yemeni army, Republican Guards and other government-affiliated elements who forcibly destroyed the protest camp in Horriya Square using water cannons, bulldozers and live ammunition." Hundreds have also been arrested over the weekend, while dozens of others remain unaccounted for. Despite all these attacks, protesters are still vowing to remain peaceful.

The other clashes are between armed tribesmen and the government. How exactly it started and who began shooting is unclear, both sides accuse the other of firing the first shot. What we know is that the area around Sheikh Sadeq al-Ahmar's house, head of the powerful Hashid tribal confederation and an uneasy ally who abandoned the president and joined his opponents. , has been in control of the sheikh and his guards for a while. They were informed that the girl's school in that area was being stockpiled with weapons by government forces. Tribesmen claimed that Saleh was using that building and others to attack Sadeq Alahmar's home. Who then started the shooting is unknown. On May 23, 2011 Saleh's forces attacked Sadeq's home. Alahmar's house when most of Alahmar brothers were gathered there. Tribal fighters came to al-Ahmar's defense and seized a number of government buildings in the Hassaba neighborhood of the capital, Sanaa, during intense clashes. Since then, clashes have continued off and on. Heavy artillery, mortars, machine guns and even air strikes (in Nihm) have been used. Clashes have extended to Nihm and Arhab.

Why did the armed clashes between tribesmen and government begin?

While promoting the revolution is certainly part of the reason that Saleh is angry against Alahmars, it certainly is not the only reason. There is a deep personal problem between both sides. Many people believe this is a personal fight between Alahmar and President Saleh, a fight of «egos».

Are all the tribes with al-Ahmar?

While Sadeq Al Ahmar is the leader of the Hashid Tribal confederation, he does not have total control over decision, as the confederation is not monolithic. In fact, it is still divided between pro-Saleh & anti-Saleh sentiments. In addition, President Saleh still has some tribal loyalty especially in areas neighboring Sana'a.

Are civilians affected? How?

Many civilians have died in the clashes, and homes have been destroyed. Residents report seeing artillery, mortars and tanks. The situation is intensified, as citizens in the area have had no electricity or water for the past four days. Families feel worried, scared, and fear for the future. Many feel trapped in their house as the shelling continues. In addition to the physical harm on citizens, there is of course the psychological trauma that children face during conflict. The truce has failed as clashes have restarted again. Locals in Sana’a have fled the fierce clashes to their ancestral villages fearing for their lives after more than 115 people were killed in previous clashes in the capital.

According to the Yemen Times «Business has been paralyzed completely in most streets of Sana’a amidst continuous power cuts and water shortages. Most commercial shops appeared closed on Tuesday in several streets of the city.

How are people reacting to the conflict?

The majority of people is naturally upset about what is happening and fears for the future. However, the reactions seem quite divided: Some are making them heroes, others are denouncing their actions.

Many people feel that Alahmars had no other choice but to defend themselves, given that their house was hit by a missile. Some people have sympathized to the point of joining the clashes with Alahmars. Others have sympathized from a distance.
Some people believe this is a personal fight between al-Ahmar and the current government. They see it as a fall-out between two friends who were very close or as karma as they view Alahmar family to be as corrupt as the President. While they do not necessarily support Alahmar side, they worry for the civilians who are caught in the middle. They think people should stay out of this tribal personal fight because « they are getting what they deserved »
The group in between the first and second group believes that we should condemn the attacks even if Alahmars do not have a very clean history. This is against human rights.
Yet others are quite upset that al-Ahmars got engaged in the violence. They see it as a trap and feel that they should have refrained from responding. Even if their house was hit, they say they should have contacted media immediately to highlight the issue and remained peaceful.

Some believe that for Saleh this conflict is a good way to divert attention from the peaceful revolution and focus on the clashes.
Some believe that while President Saleh managed to divide Hashid, the attack against al-Ahmar's house gained them support and revised the sense of kinship amongst the Hashid confederation.

Is there a civil war in Yemen right now?

No, it has not yet escalated into a civil war. It is still ONLY between tribal members & the government. The military has not joined the conflict, despite the strong attempts of the government to drag it into conflict. Peaceful protesters and citizens as a whole have also not joined. It seems that Saleh is really pushing the military and the youth to join by constant attacks against them. When and if that happens, war will start. How long it will last and what the consequences will be will depend on many local and international factors.

Disclaimer: this is a very simplistic introductory summary to the issue. This by no means is sufficient to understand the current events.

Violent clashes v. peaceful resistence, lets hope the latter wins

2011-05-27T18:45:00.023+02:00

CLICK HERE for more photos of the destruction in Hasaba, wounded people in the hospital, and the peaceful protesters at the square

On May 23, 2011 violent clashes erupted between armed tribesmen and government forces in the Hasaba neighorhood north of Sana'a. According to medics, there are 51 martyrs in Sana'a since Monday May 23, 2011, including the death of a young 15 year old boy.

Many civilians have died in the clashes, and homes have been destroyed. Residents report seeing artillery, mortars and tanks. The situation is intensified as citizens in the area have had no electricity or water for the past four days. Families feel worried, scared, and fear for the future. In addition to the physical harm on citizens, there is of course the psychological trauma that children face during conflict. Thankfully, a mediation committee has reached a ceasefire between both sides. However, we do not know the details of it yet, and it is unclear how long it will last.

One civilian home hit by artillery, photo taken on May 27, 2011

The wounded are taken to different hospitals throughout the city, including the Science and Technology hospital in Sana'a. On May 26, 2011 I spoke to many of the wounded at the hospital, some were participating in the conflict while others were civilians. Mohammed al-Ariqy, is one of the civilians who's home was targeted. Mohammed and his 11 neighbors sent their families to the village and stayed to guard their house. On May 25, 2011 at 6:30 pm while the 11 neighbors were sitting together in Mohammed's house, an artillery hit the top floor of the house. As they were trying to escape, another artillery hit the house. 7 of the 12 men were wounded and one was killed. “I don't understand why we were targeted? we live 1 km away from the Sheikh's house, we are not supporting either side, why did they target us?”

Mohammed al-Ariqy, 27 years old. Photo by: Benjamin Wiacek taken on May 26, 2011 at Science & Technology Hospital

Despite the violent clashes, protesters at the change square who have been camped at the university for more than three months, continue their peaceful struggle and remain steadfast at the square. They vow to remain peaceful until the end of the regime. Unfortunately, the media is confusing the armed conflict with the peaceful resistance. Each one is a separate issue but both are calling for an end to the regime. I hope that media does not get dragged to focus on sensationalism of potential war and focuses more on the potential for real change through the peaceful protesters who are calling for a modern civil state. Below is video of young man at change square speaking on peaceful resistance.

How I and probably many feel right now

2011-05-23T16:47:00.012+02:00

Sitting here waiting for things to get worse is causing me excruciating pain. I don't know if I should write, tweet, pray or just sit here silently watching the screen while tears fall down my face.

I am not being dramatic, but i'm also not naive. The political/realistic part of me has been assessing the situation for quite sometime. Friends have warned of this, and analysts as well. I concluded that violent clashes are highly likely (view previous posts, specifically the one on 100 days after the Revolution). But the dreamer part of me hoped that the peaceful revolution would prevail. Political scientists never predicted and could have never believed that a peaceful movement could happen in Yemen, but it did. It did because we dared to dream, and we dared to hope and believe that something positive could happen.

In the past months, I hoped that Saleh's warnings were psychological warfare and that in the end we will gain our demands peacefully without a war. I hoped that the close proximity of the first brigade and the military would form a balance and cause both sides to avoid firing. I reminded myself that armed tribesmen gave up their weapons in pursuit of a peaceful struggle. Selmya Selmya (peaceful peaceful) slogans and chants filled the square changing the course of Yemen's history forever.

Today violent clashes have begun, and after police force attacked the home of Sadeq al-Ahmar his body guards responded violently. The fighting is personal between two groups that have had in-fighting for a long time. it is linked to the Revolution because Saleh sees al-Ahmars as main actors behind the Revolution whether that's true or not.

So far, the fighting is still personalized between two sides and has not yet escalated into a civil war. While tribesmen have joined, the peaceful protesters have not joined the violent resistance and remain committed to peaceful change.

Things are likely to escalate but there is a small chance they may not. We should try and not push things towards escalation and try not to announce that it's already a war. Lets not make it a self fulfilling prophecy.

In a society where revenge is rampant the consequences of the upcoming days of violence will last a very long time. I just hope that this violence does not escalate into a full blown war and i hope that the international community will speak out SOON before it is too late.

100 Days, Yemen's Greatest Revolution

2011-05-23T16:21:00.006+02:00

** I wrote this post twodays ago, but due to internet cut i could not post it. It now seems that violence is not only likely, but has begun :(

These 33 years have been a nightmare for the Yemenis. We are still sleeping and sometimes we still have this recurring nightmare, but most of the time we are having good dreams where we see the new Yemen. Sooner or later we will get up from bed and this nightmare will be over FOREVER.

There are some people who are complaining that the Revolution has failed or that it won't go anywhere. I don't know what will happen, but I know one thing this revolution has achieved so much even before the end. It changed the life of so many Yemenis. It has touched us in many ways, and there is simply no turning back from here.

Afraid no longer: for years Yemenis were afraid to speak out for fear of being harassed, threatened, or imprisoned. Now, people on both sides are openly speaking their mind. A walk down the alley in my neighborhood confirms this. I hear people discussing politics, constitutional legitimacy, civil rights, and discussing Saleh in person, something that would have been so rare in the past.

New found nationalism: for so long, Yemenis did not feel a sense of nationalism. More important than our “Yemeniness” was our tribe, family, region etc. Many Yemenis often asked their fellow Yemenis abroad “why do you want to come back to the country? There is nothing here for you”. The remarkable courage of the young protesters as they approached water canons and tanks with no weapons has changed people's image of themselves. The determination at the square, the creativity and the hope has given Yemenis a sense of belonging to a new Yemen. In the past, the Yemeni flag sometimes irritated people as they associated it only with the president. But today, the Yemeni flag is everywhere. It has emerged as the winner in this revolution as both sides are competing for who has more flags. Today at the square when the national anthem comes on, people respectfully drop what they are doing and stand in respect. Men and women, young and old, people from different regions, and tribes who have revenge issues between them, are now standing side by side to honor our beloved Yemen.

A new truly united citizenship has emerged: Citizens from Sa'ada have joined protesters in Aden, protesters in Taiz have joined their brothers in Sana'a. A new found citizenship has emerged. This mixing of people has created a new textile a new web of citizenship

Awareness-raising many seminars on a daily basis are happening at the square on various topics relating to civic participation, civil state, democracy, human rights, women's rights etc. More importantly, the fact that people come from different backgrounds has forced them to implement what they are learning. Many arguments erupted in the square between different groups, which I feel is a healthy phenomenon because it forced people to implement what they learned and to practice the terminologies learned.

There are of course many concerns at the moment:

Violent conflict including the likelihood that violence may erupt at any moment. The government continues to distribute weapons to its loyalists hoping to incite the other side for conflict. In addition, the physical proximity between the military and the first brigade is becoming closer and intensifying tension The likelihood that Saleh and Ali Mohsen use the tribes to fight their personal “war” seems very possible.

GCC initiative: As long as the President and his entourage are still in control, change will not occur. The GCC plan could be the beginning of the problems not the end. Yes a political solution could help solve Yemen's problems without conflict, but only if it was well-intentioned and did not serve the President. Whether he signs or not is irrelevant if we can not guarantee implementation. The GCC initiative has too many holes and its just too ambiguous. With a President that excels in political maneuvering, an ambiguous document just serves to empower him. In addition, there are no guarantees that after the 30 days he will leave. He might make excuses similar to the many he made before signing the GCC plan. Finally, the two months to prepare for elections are simply not enough and violate the election law which requires at least six months of preparation for the elections.

Economic woes: Over two months of unrest in Yemen has more than doubled the price of some basic items including food and cooking gas. Anger about the price increases have been building for weeks. At the same time, the value of the Yemeni Riyal has plummeted, deepening the economic strain. Banks are very low on dollars. New Yemeni currency is floating around, a terrible sign of possible future inflation. Saleh will leave the country with no money, high inflation, and dwindling oil resources. Will average citizens blame the current government for the economic crisis and price increases or will they blame pro-change protesters?

Regardless of whatever happens after this, Yemen will not be the same. This Revolution is the greatest in Yemen's history. This peaceful revolution is an intellectual, cultural and social revolution. The extent to which these elements will be part of the new Yemen is unclear at this point, but the effects of the revolution will remain imprinted in people's psyche forever. A new movement has begun, and can never be reversed. Change will not be easy, and it will take at least 20 years to reach what we want, but we have to start with the first step, and this is it.

I believe that what people experienced at the square has changed them forever and it will carry on individually for a long time. This is the beginning of real change. A grass roots change that incorporates an intellectual and cultural aspects in addition to the political one. I foresee that the many youth movements in the square will transform into social movements in the future. Some may pursue a political route, others will remain watchdogs on politicians. Civic engagement will continue thanks to these three months. I just hope that the violence that is likely to occur, will not put people in a dangerous long war. Lets pray for the best.

Unity Day

2011-05-22T15:38:00.003+02:00

Saleh often shows off about his success of unifying the country, especially with large military shows on May 22, 2011, the date of unification. Since unity, the actions of the government have done nothing to implement real unity. Stolen lands from Southern people, rampant corruption and unemployment in the South have only served to intensify grievances. Government has been insincere in addressing these grievenes which resulted in a movement to call for separation. While many activists in the North spoke about southern grievances it was not enough to put pressure on the government. People in the South felt alone for what they perceived as the silence of their brothers and sisters against injustice.

This Revolution served to address some of these wounds. Yemenis felt an affinity to "Yemen" like never before. Unity celebrations filled the squares of change. The only thing that jeopardizes unity is Saleh's regime. A new Yemen with justice, equality, and decentralization is the only solution to maintaining unity in Yemen.

Some photos from pro-change unity day celebration in 60 road in Sana'a. To see the full gallery click here

Yemen: tied for 3rd place in the Arab Revolutions

2011-05-20T23:59:00.008+02:00

Media Sensation no longer The Arab Spring is wonderful and a dream come true. Watching the events unfold in Tunis and Cairo made us all feel part of the revolution. However, by the time Yemen's turn came, another “Arab Revolution” was not as exciting as the first time it appeared on television. Not only is it not as exciting, but we are also competing with a country that has more action to offer its viewers (Libya). Then after that, another country started competing with us over action, death, and arrests (Syria). Viewers world wide quickly forgot about Yemen.

Lessons learned Protesters in Yemen turned to their counterparts in Tunisia and Egypt for advise. Slogans were borrowed, songs, tactics and ideas. Like his people, Saleh also borrowed from his counterparts. The Yemeni government repeated some of the same tactics used in Egypt and Libya of baltagya or hired thugs, defaming protesters, and inciting the role of al-Qaeda. However, Yemeni government had time to learn from the mistakes of the other leaders. For example, instead of completely shutting down internet, the Yemeni government just slows it down with frequent on-and-off cuts, this way no one is blamed for “censorship”.

Of course, President Saleh watched or was at least informed about air strikes on Libya which most likely mellowed the Qadhafi potential response in Yemen. However, President Saleh also watched Mubarak and his family being tried, which surely made Saleh hold on to power even more, and negotiate for his immunity, which most protesters rightly do not accept. Hence, creating a deadlock. How could he leave when he watched what happened to the others? But how can the people agree for immunity after all that has happened?

It's taking too long Because we watched the Tunisian and Egyptian example, Yemenis feel that our revolution is taking too long. “Three months compared to 18 days” is a common complaint heard at the square. We need to remind ourselves that peaceful revolutions normally take much longer than 18 days and that the Egyptians and Tunisians are still struggling to this day.

Gandhi's independence movement lasted 30 years from 1915 – 1947 and the People Power Revolution in the Philippines which ousted President Marcos lasted three years from 1983 to 1986. So lets put things in perspective in order to be happy about what we have accomplished so far.

Guerrilla Journalism

2011-05-20T12:30:00.002+02:00

This clip by Yemeni film maker Sarah Ishaq gives an idea about the role of citizen journalists in the Yemeni Revolution. Many Yemenis feel responsible to spread information about the Revolution to the world, a feeling that has turned many into citizen journalists.

While Yemen's President Holds On, Youth Activists Plan Their Next Steps on Facebook

2011-05-19T12:35:00.000+02:00

This Q & A was published on Movements.org

It has been three months since youth took to the streets in Yemen. As President Saleh goes back and forth about whether or not to accept a deal for a brokered resignation of power, camps in city centers throughout the country show no sign of dissolving.

While they wait - and continue to protest - what are Yemen's pro-democracy youth activists up to? As the Yemeni based activist Atiaf Alwazir describes in this Q & A, they are making heavy use of Facebook groups to form plans for what will come next and to organize one another so that, if the time comes, they can most effectively put those plans into place.

Atiaf was born in Sana but left when she was 1 years old. Her family lived in various places before settling in the U.S., and she recently returned to Yemen in order to get involved in the pro-democracy and human rights activism there. She runs the blog Woman From Yemen.

Q: What compelled you to become an activist in the first place?

A: Many reasons. One is that as an NGO worker i've dealt directly with social, economic, and political problems that face Yemen for many years. Anyone working in development will quickly realize that the root cause of Yemen's poverty is the corrupt government. Second, human rights violations were so rampant in Yemen, and this is something I have always been outspoken about. Third, my family background: my father is a historian who has written extensively about Yemen, and my uncles as well. Due to their outspoken nature, they had to live abroad. Growing up in that environment influenced me. I felt that i was lucky to get the education i got in the US, and that i had a duty and responsibility to give back to Yemen.

Q: Only 2% of the population in Yemen has internet access. How has information about protests spread through Yemen?

A: In many major cities there are "sit-in" sites that have turned into "mini cities" for the protesters. The areas have tents, vendors, and seminars. People are camped there and have been there for three months. So decisions to march are spread via the stage at the sit-in site, and mainly via SMS and Facebook.

Between cities, protesters are trying to coordinate using phone calls, Facebook, and SMS messages. For example deciding what to name a Friday (every Friday has a name) many groups chat to discuss it from different cities to try to unify the name nationwide. Sometimes one city decides and others follow.

Yes, only 2% of the population has internet access, but the majority of young activists find ways to get online. As an example, it's now 1 AM and practically everyone I know is on Facebook. i'm part of at least 14 Yemeni groups, discussing the revolution, organizing, suggesting ideas. These groups all have around 1000 members - not many compared to the number of people in the street, but many of them are leaders and activists. There are different groups - one is called the group for coordination, where people can share ideas on how to run things and what to do next. One is for creating and finalizing the "youth demands" document (now that it's finalized group is not as active). One is a women's revolutionary group talking about women's issues (the role of women in the revolution, and how to guarantee women's rights post revolution), then others are groups associated with specific movements or youth coalitions discussing activities related to them at specific city squares.

The role of media is very important in this revolution, like the other revolutions it was inspired by, to make people aware and help in coordination.

Q: If Saleh were to give in to youth protesters' demands tomorrow, what would you want to happen? Who would lead?

A: The demands are quite extensive and detailed - it includes the fact that a transitional government should lead the country. and they should not be part of the former regime. and that later fair elections should be held after electoral commission is changed & electoral law amended. This was signed by over 150 groups and coalitions in the squares around the country

Q: Have youth activists learned from the lessons of Tunisians and Egyptians when it comes to planning for the transition?

A: We here are watching that closely...and I think because we have more time here, on the one hand it's taking too long, but on the other hand it's giving people the time to network and organize more than in Cairo and Tunis. It's clear to many of us, that the revolution is ongoing even after Saleh leaves the post-revolution will be the longer and harder struggle

That's why in some of the group's mission it says that they will be working during and after the revolution, in order to protect the revoultion from being hijacked...and to make sure that demands are met.

Creativity of Yemenis at the square

2011-05-17T23:44:00.008+02:00

This tent is made up of empty red, white, and black bottles forming a Yemeni flag. This idea should be exported to the West as a new form of recycling, don't you think?

Inside the Yemeni flag tent

Why are you monitoring us?

2011-05-17T11:42:00.013+02:00

This post is directed to specific people I know who spend so much of their time monitoring activities and reporting back to security apparatus in Yemen. Although I completely disagree with what they do, I must say, I admire their determination and hard work, especially these days when so many people are vocal about their opinions.

Yes, I'm talking about you

I know you are reading this

I know you are forwarding this

I know you are paid to watch me

I know you are paid to catch me

I see that change is necessary

You see change as destructive

You think I'm naive

I think you are selfish

I want equal rights

For you its all about what the sheikh likes

In the mirror what do you see?

will your children find your name amongst the heroes of history?

Or amongst those who supported tyranny?

I often wonder why you choose to do this?

I don't know if it's for fame, money, or glory

Or is it really an ideology?

Like every opinion, this one too will have two sides

And we are both spokesmen for our side

I now see that while you are against me

You may not be against our country

I wish you could see the same in me

Because in the end, we are both Yemeni.

My love oh Yemen Song

2011-05-16T18:03:00.006+02:00

Yemeni Talent is rising & youth are expressing their emotions and feelings towards the Revolution through various means. My love oh Yemen is one of the latest revolutionary songs by Watany Initiative.
Song writer & Singer: Ahmed Khalid
Lyrics: Majid al-Jabry

Photos: Friday May 13, 2011

2011-05-13T21:00:00.003+02:00

On Friday May 13, 2011 pro-government and pro-change protesters went to the streets in the usual Friday show of loyalties. The pro-change protesters called this Friday, Friday of Decisiveness and loyalty to Sa'ada. Hundreds of thousands of pro-change supporters gathered in 60 street to perform Friday prayers.

View this photo gallery of pro-change supporters

May 11 attack on peaceful protesters in Sanaa

2011-05-11T23:42:00.009+02:00

Bullet sacket, May 11, 2011

Today at 4:00 pm, led by some prominent activists, a group of youth decided to march. It wasn't a majority decision but nevertheless they marched from 20 street to Kuwait street with the intention to head to prime minister's office and hold a sit-in there. Around 5:30 p.m. near the “Blood Bank” on a side street off zira'a street, they were attacked by men dressed in military uniforms (who they really are is still a subject of discussion) with heavy gun fire and tear gas. Firing continued off and on until around 11 p.m. Sometimes it was very heavy and continuous gun shots, sometimes it was sporadic. So far, according to medics at field hospital & media committee 9 confirmed deaths, 10 in critical condition, 286 wounded by gun shots, and 300 wounded by tear gas. The death toll will likely increase.

To view the photo gallery with more photos of today click here .

Photos of May 10, before, during, and after the march

2011-05-11T23:28:00.006+02:00

On March 10, protesters went on a short march around the square. My gallery on posterous shows events before, during, and after the march. For a glimpse of what's in the gallery, here are two photos.

Before the march

man reading under Yemeni flags

During the march
protester asks, where is the diesel?

The Square of Change in Sana'a: an Incubator for Reform

2011-05-09T18:10:00.002+02:00

Published in the Arab Reform Initiative

“Welcome to the land of liberty” (Photo by Benjamin Wiacek

Summary
Yemen has witnessed widespread protests and sit-ins throughout the squares of change for the past three months. These squares became incubators for change and the birthplace of a new political culture. The time spent at the square has given protestors the time to network, organize, engage in awareness raising activities, engage in honest dialogue, and agree upon general principles. While the focus at the beginning was solely on political reform, the interplay between different actors on the ground has forced individuals to begin discussion on social and cultural change as well, as a holistic approach. These terminologies are being tested on the ground. While this gave the movement an opportunity to mature, the longer this political deadlock lasts, the higher the chance of violence, especially by the circle around the President who will try to protect their own interests. The interplay between various actors on the ground will determine the future of the movement, and the country’s future direction.

This eyewitness report is by a Sana'a based researcher who was involved in the protests since late January 2011. While the protests are nationwide, the paper will focus only on the square of change in Sana'a.

Click here for the full report