Children of Mahweet

 

 

We are more alike than different!

“Your task is not to seek for love,
but merely to seek and find
all the barriers within yourself
that you have built against it.” - Jalal ad-Din Muhammad Rumi

I remember September 11^th like it was yesterday.  I was a student at the American University campus in Washington D.C.  As students hovered over the small television watching the twin towers fall, tears rolled down my face.  “Utter cruelty” I thought to myself.  More difficult was the realization that this vicious act was done by “Muslims”.  

“This simply can’t be” I thought to myself, no person of faith can deliberately kill in the name of God! But then again, history is full of stories of “religious” Christians, Muslims, Hindus and Jewish people killing innocent civilians in the name of “God”.  

While majority of Muslims condemned the 9/11 attacks, unfortunately many Americans continued to view Muslims not Al-Qaeda as the enemy.  

Last July, I was in Abyan province in Yemen, and I visited families of civilian casualties of the “War on Terror”.  These families had nothing to do with Al-Qaeda or the Yemeni military, yet US drones and Yemeni aircraft hit their homes and killed or wounded their family members.  

Hearing their stories, and seeing the photos of those killed reminded me of that feeling I had when I saw the plane hit the twin towers.  Once again I felt horrified and thought to myself “Utter cruelty”.

The effects of the global war on terror are far reaching.  No matter who the perpetrator is, murder and death of civilians can not be justified.  Every individual that was killed unjustly should be honored, and their tragedy remembered.  Simultaneously, the politics that indiscriminately kills innocent people should be criticized. This policy is counter-productive and fuels hates and keeps societies in a cycle of violence. 

The anti-American sentiment that is rising in Yemen, reminds me of the anti-Islam sentiment that swept and continues to spread in the U.S.  These reactionary feelings are a product of internalizing political differences and forgetting the humanity that we share. 

The policies of the “War on Terror” are often very divisive. And helps promote hatred, and continues the cycle of violence.   The War on Terror has also made my job of trying to “bridge the gap” between “East & West” a more difficult one.  

  

While I am very vocal about my concerns regarding both the policies of the Yemeni and American government, visa-vi the “War on Terror”, I am also very vocal that politics is one thing, human beings are another.  We should not put both in one camp. 

As a person who spent a significant amount of my life in both worlds (US & Yemen) I find it easy to float between one or the other.  In each place I go, I attempt to deconstruct some of the images people have of the OTHER. 

For example, in Yemen I tell people stories about Muslims in America who didn’t have a mosque near by, so members of a church offered them space to perform Friday prayer there. Then I watch their shocked eyes.  It seems what I said was jaw-dropping.  So I continue: “America is not only what you see in Hollywood movies.”  

In the US, I tell people how Yemenis love to host foreigners and despite misconceptions, majority of Yemenis do not like AQAP.  Again I see people’s jaws drop from shock.  I continue: “Yemen is not only what you read about in your news feed”.

We can not let politicians drive us away from our shared humanity. 
 We need to remember that we are more alike than different.  As a reminder of that, here are 10 silly facts to remind us of our similarities:

 1. Both countries have talented sportsmen with skills for high jumping.  In Yemen the camel jumping tradition, and in the US the “slam dunking” tradition.  

camel jumping sport, from http://www.smithsonianmag.com/people-places/The-Sport-of-Camel-Jumping.html

Slam dunking in the US

 
2.  Both countries have very low percentage of women in Parliament/Congress.  Women hold 90, or 16.8%, of the 535 seats in the 112th US Congress — 17, or 17.0%, of the 100 seats in the Senate and 73, or 16.8%, of the 435 seats in the House of Representatives.[1]  In Yemen the number of women  in parliament fell from 11 in 1993 to only 1 in 2003. (but there is a high chance it will increase to 30% with a quota that women are currently pushing for).

3.  Both countries love their STARS. Starbuger in Yemen and Starbucks in the U.S.

4.  The death penalty is legal in both countries.  And large groups in the population support the death penalty, despite the efforts of human rights activists for reform.

5.  Both societies have their own popular political satire show.  Daily Show in the US, Aakis Khat (against the Current) in Yemen.    
6.     Average citizens in both countries are very friendly and very welcoming.

7.     In both countries the Military Budget as percentage of GDP is very high: US its 4.060%, Yemen 6.600% [2]

8.  Both societies love movies.  Hollywood makes movies, Yemenis sell the latest movies in every corner, sometimes before they’re even released in the U.S.!

9. In both countries, if you have money you can get proper health care, if you don't, your screwed.

10.   U.S. & Yemen both lead the world in guns (http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/interactive/2012/07/2012726141159587596.html)

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[1] Center for American Women and Politics, http://www.cawp.rutgers.edu/fast_facts/levels_of_office/Congress-CurrentFacts.php

[2] Info taken from http://www.aneki.com/comparison.php?country_1=United%20States&country_2=Yemen

Invisible Casualties of the War

First published in Al-Akhbar

The life of fourteen-year-old Ali Alkhadr from Abyan was changed forever on 9 May 2011. Returning from a family visit in al-Mihrab village, Ali was hit by shrapnel from an air-strike that tore his jaw wide open. Air-strikes in the South that target al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) often indiscriminately kill or wound anyone in the surrounding area, including civilians, without warning.

According to Ali’s father, Alkhadr Ali Hassan, Doctors without Borders/Medecins sans Frontieres (MSF) generously conducted 1 million Yemeni Riyal ($4,660) worth of reconstructive surgery. Yet Ali still needs a lot more. The once studious teenager dropped out of school due to depression.

“He refuses to see his classmates because he is disfigured. It’s been eight months and there is nothing I can do to help my son,” said the boy’s father. “He does not want to go to school and one time I hospitalized him because he overdosed on drugs. I believe he wanted to end his life, and it pains me to see that. I don’t know what to do,” he added.


Ali Alkhadr is not alone in a country where civilians are often caught in the middle between militants and the government. These civilians are ignored in the mainstream media and their deaths denied by governments.

For a decade, US policy in Yemen has centered on counter-terrorism cooperation with Yemeni security forces through the training and funding of counter-terrorism units, targeted assassinations small on-the-ground operation units, and drone attacks. 

 

Terrorism is of grave concern in Yemen, and its consequences are far reaching. On Saturday 4 August 2012, locals in Jaar were the targets of a bombing by militants that killed at least 40 people. The Yemeni and US government’s response to these attacks in Yemen has included arbitrary arrests, homes being demolished, death and injuries, and displacement of civilians.
Since January 2012, there have been over 60 US air-strikes in Yemen, according to the Bureau of Investigative Journalism (TBIJ), killing hundreds of civilians.

On 15 May 2012, an air-strike, believed to be a US drone, hit a civilian home. People nearby ran to see what had happened and to help the injured inside. 

“About 15 minutes later, another plane suddenly struck the same building killing 15 people, including my brother,” said 19-year old Hassan Ahmed Abdullah recounting the incident. “He was wounded by shrapnel in his chest, liver, and neck. He also had burns on 50 percent of his body.”

From scarred people to destroyed buildings, Abyan carries many testaments to the war on terror.

Most of the civilian homes in the impoverished area of al-Kod were destroyed by air-strikes and heavy artillery. This area houses some of the poorest people in Yemen. 

Bombs did not only hit homes but also struck schools and even the largest hospital in Abyan, al-Razi hospital.

“The bombing of al-Razi hospital was a tragedy, and I believe we will suffer from it for years to come, especially in light of Yemen’s economic social and political deterioration,” said psychologist and Jaar resident, Wahib Saad who also stressed the psychological trauma of such attacks.

 

US drones have not only resulted in death and destruction, but have also been counter productive to the counter-terrorism efforts, because with each casualty, militants groups gain more members.

“Today, when I hear a plane I immediately run to the house” said seven-year-old Ahmed. Ahmed’s drawings and the other children’s show images of darkness, death, and destruction, indicating that the generations to come will need much more than financial compensation to recover.
While many residents of Abyan believe that US strikes are more accurate in hitting their desired targets than Yemeni ones, the majority believes that the implications of US bombing are disastrous.

This is seen from the fact that US strikes are seen as an invasion, an occupation and a breach of sovereignty. A citizen journalist who preferred to remain anonymous said to me, “Let’s be honest, I am against US intervention. The Yemeni government has the right to rely on the US for help but not when the US is using Yemenis against their own brothers. As a southern separatist, I believe that we are already under two occupations, by the North and the militants, and I don’t want a third occupation by the Americans,” he said.

US drones have not only resulted in death and destruction, but have also been counter productive to the counter-terrorism efforts, because with each casualty, militants groups gain more members.
“These attacks have negative impacts on psyches of children who keep hearing: this is America that is killing you, don’t you have the pride and courage to fight it?” said Saad.

Similarly it has enabled militants to make people question the concept of a civil democratic state. A photo of a mosque destroyed by an air-strike with “This is democracy, even mosques have been destroyed” written on its wall summarizes what people view as American ideology.

The strikes have also helped hard-line Islamists recruit members. In a pamphlet distributed by a mosque in Aden, 15 lines denounced cooperation with the US on the basis that the drones kill innocent civilians. “Oh Muslims, do you know that the Americans are now in Yemen? Who allowed them to kill our sons and brothers every day using drones?

 

A photo of a mosque destroyed by an air-strike with “This is democracy, even mosques have been destroyed” written on its wall summarizes what people view as American ideology.

 

The strikes have increased anti-American sentiment in the country as a whole. In a rare public demonstration in Change Square in Sanaa, some protesters burned American flags in a protest entitled “No to American meddling.” Despite the grave violations against citizens, the Yemeni government has ignored the civilians and the majority of the wounded have not received any compensation. With no means to seek justice or redress for the unlawful attacks, young brothers, friends and relatives of those killed become easy targets for militant recruitment. “I will even join Satan if I have to in order to get revenge for my wounded seven year old son,” said one angered father from Jaar who preferred to remain anonymous.

The Yemeni government is a partner in these targeted strikes. Former President Saleh gave the US open access to Yemen’s air space to be used for air-strikes against AQAP. This policy continues today under the new transitional government, even with the presence of the former opposition, who previously called against these airstrikes. 

Despite the high number of civilian casualties due to air-strikes, many leading politicians and activists, including Nobel Peace Prize winner, Tawakkul Karman, have not advocated on their behalf. 

While we were sitting in the field clinic in Jaar, Wahib Saad asked a young boy: “what do you want to be when you grow up?” The boy answered with utter silence. “See, he doesn’t have a dream” commented Dr. Saad, “I remember when I was his age I wanted to be a pilot. If this child has no dream, then we are a country with no hope.”

The Veil, Self Expression, and Identity

Last month, I flew from Sana’a airport wearing a bright green scarf. On the plane I encountered the same awkward moment I always face: when and how do I take off my scarf? [In Yemen I cover my hair not because of any legal obligation, but because it is the custom].  

I scanned the area and then I did what I usually do, waited until it naturally slipped off and then I kept it on my shoulder until I left the plane. After that, I folded the scarf and put it in my suitcase. 

Some of my feminist friends say this is hypocritical and wish that I would just pick one way or the other.  But as a feminist myself, I don't see why I should only stick to one "look".  I think this flexibility is a testament to the degree that we, Middle Eastern women can adapt. 

As long as I do not change who I am, and just change the way I look, then why does it matter whether I wear a scarf or I don't.  But the reality is, to many people it does matter.  The scarf is not just any piece of cloth, it's one that carries a statement, an identity, a heritage and a history.  

Regardless of people's perceptions, I want to say loudly and clearly that with or without it, I am still me.

One person, different looks

"A dream you dream together is reality"

"A dream you dream alone is only a dream.  A dream you dream together is reality." John Lennon

In dreams, we are gifted with super powers, and with the ability to do extraordinary things. The euphoria one gets from mass mobilization gives us the same feeling. It allows us to dream that the impossible is possible. Armed with only this belief, we continue to demand justice and change, believing that nothing will stop us.

At the start of the revolution in February 2011, I had very high expectations, and despite my usual over analysing personality, I did not allow any negative energy to seep in.

In April 2011, when some unexpected forces, such as General Ali Muhsin "joined" the pro-democracy movement, and when certain elements of the opposition imposed their intolerance on others, the colors in my dream started to fade.

Today, after many high hopes have been crushed, I dream only in black and white.

I still believe in the power of the people to do amazing things, but I also believe that the extraordinary will take time to become a reality.  Long term change requires a long journey.

Like a video game, this journey is filled with many challenges (poverty, lack of security, foreign and regional interferences, airstrikes, corruption etc), but hopefully we can reach our ultimate goal.

In that long journey, I hope that I never reach the point where I stop dreaming. But if I find myself stuck in a constant nightmare, I ask you to please wake me up.

Protester at change square holding a sign that reads: "We don't ask for much..we only dream of change" 

The Ghost Towns of Abyan

"In modern war... you will die like a dog for no good reason. " - Ernest Hemingway

Earlier this month I had a brief visit in the warn torn Southern province of Abyan.  Like any war, the impact on civilians and residents is often ignored.

The war in Abyan has killed innocent civilians and displaced hundreds.  Schools have been closed, and the main hospital was bombed.  Many have lost family members, and many others are wounded.  Their homes have been destroyed, and basic necessities are non-existant.


Residential buildings, hospitals, and schools were hit by air strikes.

With no compensation, and no way to seek justice, residents resent the government that has failed to protect them and instead allowed air strikes to kill indiscriminately.
 
The photos here are of residential and commercial buildings that were impacted by the war.


For more photos visit my page on Posterous

Pharmacy hit by an airstrike in Zinjibar, Abyan

Home in a village near Jaar, Abyan

Hospital in Jaar, Abyan

inside the destroyed part of the hospital

Human Connection

Today as I was on the bus returning from a tiring meeting, we stopped at an intersection that is always full of more cars than it can handle.  I have also noticed an increase in the number of street children there.  It always pains me to see them losing their childhood for the prospects of having a future.

Looking out the window, I saw a young girl begging from the corner of my eye, and as she began approaching the bus I closed my eyes for one second.  When I opened them again, she was gone.

In one second I had made a choice not to see her.

Why did I do that? Is it the guilt for not being able to help? Is it the fact that I feel too overwhelmed by the injustice around me? or did I just not want to deal with her pain?

Yes, we can't always internalize everything or else it will be too much to bear, but we also can not let ourselves be detached from our surroundings.

It's not simply about giving money, it's more about connecting on a human level.  Ignoring one another will lead to disconnect.  Only when we connect on a human level can we see the world around us, even when our eyes are closed.

Garbage Collectors and the Struggle for Workers' Rights in Yemen

FIRST PUBLISHED IN JADALIYYA

“I will do everything I can to grow a field in the desert.” - Haidar Swaid, Member of the Garbage Collectors Syndicate

In both the foreign and local press, conventional frameworks for understanding the uprising in Yemen locate its popular impetus within two main social groupings: the disaffected middle-class urban youth, who first occupied the streets and squares and called for an end to both corruption and the ruling regime; and tribesmen and political party members, who soon joined them in solidarity and common cause. They also note the ongoing Houthi and Southern movements whose narratives of subjugation were unevenly, and now unsuccessfully, incorporated into the broader national frameworks of the revolution. However, these narratives have failed to account for the important role that strikes, demonstrations, and other actions of civil disobedience by organized workers played in the build-up to the uprising and in the continued struggle for the social, political, and economic transformation of Yemen.

In 2008, numerous strikes by port workers, teachers, laborers, and professors took place in cities throughout Yemen. Oil workers were among the most active in the years preceding the 2011 uprising. Strikers were able to shutdown oilfields, refineries, and pipelines in March 2009, August 2009, April 2010, and October 2010. The significant cost of work stoppages succeeded in extracting periodic concessions from the Yemeni regime. These short-lived victories, coupled with the regime’s violent response to the strikes—which included the use of live ammunition against protesting workers and the mass incarceration of union members—had a chilling effect on all but the most organized of labor activism. Yet, the industrial action of these and other workers demonstrated that collective struggle could enact positive change. This awareness of political opportunity culminated in the nationwide general strike of May 2010, which forced the regime to the negotiating table and procured conditional, if fleeting, improvements for public sector workers.

The uprising rejuvenated labor activism in early 2011 and strikes spread to paralyze state, private, and nonprofit institutions such as Yemenia Airways, Saada Radio, Al-Thawrah Hospital in Taiz, the Yemeni Air Force, the Yemen Bank of Reconstruction and Development, the Central Organization of Control and Audit, and the Red Crescent Society in Sana’a. Generally, strikers have demanded higher wages, better working conditions, general reforms, and the removal of the corrupt heads of these institutions.

These demonstrations and strikes continue to sweep Yemeni cities. In May 2012 alone, work stoppages were held in Sana’a, Taiz, Hodeida, Saada, and Aden, where a strike by the seaport workers of DP World has paralyzed the port. DP World, a Dubai-based state-owned company that was awarded the contract to run the seaport in 2008, is being accused of deliberate mismanagement in order to drive ocean-bound commerce to the Emirate. In Sana’a, employees at the Ministry of Youth and Sports have been protesting daily against corruption in the ministry and demanding the removal of the minister.

A Story of Struggle and Success

The most visible and widespread labor struggle during the uprising has been that of the garbage collectors, who managed to organize and sustain an on-and-off long nationwide strike, which lasted up to three months in certain cities. Piles of red, blue, green, and yellow plastic trash bags spilled into the streets throughout Yemen, filling the cities with the unbearable stench of filth and decay. Significantly, the workers framed their grievances in terms of both economic exploitation and social inequality. The majority of sanitation workers belong to an ostracized social group which self-identifies as al-muhammashin (the marginalized), but is more commonly and derogatorily known as al-akhdam (the servants). As their struggle was integrated into broader national narratives of suffering, the gross inequities of their situation became more commonly recognized and sympathized with, in spite of continued and considerable discrimination.

This protest was not the first of its kind. Garbage collectors have gone on strike five times since 1993 to demand higher wages. While they managed to secure wage increases from $0.93 to $3.80 per day, they have also incurred the heavy cost of imprisonment of labor union members for weeks and sometimes months. This increase in wages technically puts them above the poverty line, but they continue to work under extremely insecure and harsh conditions with the lowest wages for public sector employees.

Garbage collectors have an exceptional employment status. They report to state officials within the Office of Sanitation and Labor, but they have neither employment contracts nor monthly salaries. Instead, they work through daily contracts, which allows the state to avoid paying them employee benefits. Haidar Swaid, a member of the garbage collectors union, listed the conditions of those contracts to include “no vacation days, no holidays, no social or medical insurance, and the years of work do not count toward promotion.” Additionally, they receive no pay raises or end of year bonuses. “A man who has worked eighteen years is like the man who started work yesterday,” he decried. The precarious nature of the work is enhanced for women, who are not entitled to maternity leave and so often find themselves forced to work while pregnant and caring for infants. Since the state also fails to respect labor laws, those same infants are likely to find themselves employed as street cleaners before they reach their teenage years. Sexual harassment and rape of female street cleaners is also a common occurrence, as the public visibility and low social prestige of the work adds to their vulnerability.

This workplace insecurity is compounded by the social discrimination that the marginalized face. Housing is particularly difficult to secure, with few willing to rent to them. As a result, the majority of garbage collectors and street cleaners find themselves living in impoverished slum areas that lack basic services, including sewage, water, and electricity. Former President Saleh had promised garbage collectors, as with other public sector employees, land for housing, but that promise has yet to be fulfilled. “Garbage collectors are not less important than the soldiers who give their lives. Garbage collectors give their souls. They have not been greedy with their country, why has their country been greedy with them?” asked Mohammed Al-Githry, head of the Yemeni Confederation of Labor Unions.

Equal Rights for All Workers

Since March 2012, the labor strikes have aimed to pressure the new transitional government to grant garbage workers fulltime employment contracts with benefits and better work conditions. In response, Prime Minister Mohammed Basindawa passed a decree on April 12, 2012 that granted fulltime employment rights, health benefits, and vacation days to garbage collectors. Members of the marginalized community attribute this success to labor union organizing. A member of the union, in turn, attributes this success to “garbage” itself. “A strike that makes garbage fill the country is the best weapon we have” said Haidar Swaid.

The decree is a positive step toward achieving employment equality and social justice. It is also an encouraging move in the ongoing fight against corruption, since managers will now have a harder time issuing fake temporary contracts that they can cash in themselves. However, legal reform alone cannot effect real change. As with many laws in Yemen, implementation and accountability are often lacking. The previous regime had already passed Laws 292 and 517 in April 2008, both of which decreed fulltime employment and benefits for garbage collectors. Unfortunately, these laws were never implemented.

Yet, Basindawa’s latest decree just might prove to be the exception to the rule. There are some promising signs, such as the ministerial committee that has been created to initiate and oversee the implementation process. The committee is now conducting surveys and collecting information on garbage collectors and uploading information into a central database in preparation for the implementation phase. Many are complaining about the unnecessary length of this process. “We ask them to expedite the process of implementation,” said Mohammed Al-Marzooqi, head of the garbage collectors syndicate. According to a government official, the delay is due to the time it takes to gather and verify information on the twenty thousand workers nationwide and then to provide these workers with identification cards.

State-Worker Relations

While the process is taking longer than expected, state officials have recognized the need to show appreciation to their diligent workers. For the first time in Sana’a’s history, state officials publically acknowledged the garbage collectors in an official ceremony. On Saturday, 12 May 2012, the Sana’a local council, the Office of Sanitation and Labor, and the labor union organized the first celebration honoring thirty “cleaning soldiers.” The celebration included reciting poems and playing music. Some workers received honorary certificates for the “best employees of the year,” while others were given bonuses for Labor Day.

In a symbolic show of appreciation and encouragement in mid-April 2012, state officials, including the Prime Minister and the Minister of Human Rights, went to the streets with brooms to begin a citizen cleaning campaign. “This was a good gesture, I had never seen any state official hold a broom on television before,” said Mohammed Ali, a thirty-two-year old garbage collector. “The signs of our successful strike have started to show,” he added.

Another assuring sign is the inclusion of representatives from the marginalized community—who make up the majority of garbage collectors—in the National Dialogue, set up under the post-uprising transition plan to accommodate voices from different segments of the population. The marginalized are prepared to participate in the process and have called on their fellow citizens to make the fight against social discrimination a prominent issue on the agenda of the transitional government by encouraging the Yemeni legislature to adopt laws criminalizing discrimination and implementing equal rights for workers.

The struggle continues

Garbage collectors have finally been able to get through to Yemeni citizens and move public opinion toward their struggle. Their plight has also attracted the attention of the media, as state and nonprofit institutions have started to sponsor numerous projects to help the marginalized community. Yet skepticism still looms in the minds of many. “We heard a lot of talk by government and NGOs about new housing projects and humanitarian aid for the marginalized community. But this is all just talk, and exploitation of our situation. We have not seen the implementation,” said union member Yahya Al-Qahm.

Labor activists have historically played an important role in the struggle for a more just Yemeni society, often mobilizing despite the guarantee of violent repression. While campaigns for worker rights, specifically of garbage collectors, have now become a popular media topic, they often lack substantive popular and institutional support. It is important that community and union leaders, citizen advocates, and rights groups not be seduced by the media hype. Rather, they must follow through on the implementation of the numerous promises made by the government, continue to mobilize for equal rights for all workers, and demand the criminalization of discrimination and racism. Most importantly, as the country moves forward through this transformative period, Yemenis must seize the opportunity to establish new political alliances and coalitions and consolidate the hard-won rights and freedoms to which the 2011 uprising gave birth.

Achieving Long-Term Stability in Yemen: Moving Beyond Counterterrorism

Policy Brief published by Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED)

With a new president in power, Yemen has the opportunity to fundamentally restructure its political and military system, but multiple obstacles stand in its path. The Yemeni military remains a disjointed body split by corrupt and self-serving officials, many of whom are supported by the U.S. and Saudi Arabia. With its counterterrorism-based ties to the Yemeni security sector, the U.S. appears reluctant to forgo these relationships for a reform process. Alwazir argues, however, that the United States’ counterterrorism efforts have been counterproductive and have provided fuel for terrorist groups’ recruitment efforts. To achieve true long-term stability, the U.S. should focus on providing economic support and development, encouraging fundamental restructuring of the Yemeni military, tying military aid to this restructuring process, and recalibrating the U.S-Yemeni relationship to be less military-centric.

Click here for the full text of the policy brief.

In remembrance of the May 21st attack, lets also be reminded of our humanity

"You must not lose faith in humanity. Humanity is an ocean; if a few drops of the ocean are dirty, the ocean does not become dirty." Mahatma Gandhi

A candlelight vigil was organized today to commemorate the deadliest suicide attack in Sana'a that killed 96 soldiers and wounded 300.  People decorated the photos of the deceased with flowers, followed by a candle light vigil, and a recitation of the Qur'an.


While participating today, I had many mixed feelings. On the one hand, I was never fond of security and military officials because I often think of them as perpetrators of violence, not as protectors of citizens.  This is because security and military officials have engaged in many atrocities throughout the country, including torture, killing, and illegal imprisonment of innocent civilians especially during the revolution, the six wars in Saada, and  the civil war in the South.


Yet, I felt attending this vigil was the right thing to do.  While I have my issues with the Yemeni military, I can not rejoice over anyone's death.


Seeing the photos of the young deceased soldiers, humbled me and reminded me that nothing is pure evil or pure good.  Many of them were not as privileged as I was to choose what kind of life to lead, and what kind of a career to seek.  Their environment and upbringing dictated how their life will be.  A soldier's salary can barely support a family, and their work conditions are terrible. 


It is probably this thought that pushed many to recognize the soldiers' humanity and the atrocity of the crime.  Even people who were directly affected by previous attacks by government officials were present at the vigil.


I had to fight off tears, and suffer that lump in my throat in order not to cry when I saw peaceful protesters placing flowers on posters of the deceased soldiers.  

Not only did they join, but it was them who organized this campaign, brought the flowers, and the candles. It was very ironic for them to organize the vigil in the same place that was closed off for almost a year due to "security reasons" and fear that peaceful protesters would march there to take over the Presidential palace.


Despite the fact that hundreds were killed and thousands wounded during the revolution by government and security personnel, activists were there to pay their respects and condemn violence.


Maybe some of these deceased soldiers participated in the killings, and maybe some of them refused.  Maybe some of them had no choice.  But today was not about killing.  It was a time of mourning for death itself.  A time to say enough killing.

Seeing the people come together like this, shows that "revenge" is not inherent in our culture.  What we saw today, was the spirit of a shared humanity.  Only through love and compassion can life exist.