Opposition divided over voting or boycotting the “election”

The opposition is divided between the desire to vote or boycott the uncontested “election” today.  The opposition party coalition the Joint Meeting Party (JMP) has also been divided over the election.  Officially they have called on their members to vote, but  some members decided to boycott the election. Religious scholars, tribesmen, independent youth activists, and members of civil society are also divided on the election.

While the majority of people recognize the obvious flaws in the uncontested election many, especially in the capital Sana’a, have decided to nevertheless vote.  Their reasons to vote vary and include the following: 

•  Individuals who believe that the election marks a historic day as it will officially announce the end of Saleh’s 33 year rule.
• Individuals who voted not necessarily for Hadi, but more for the belief in the transitional period.  Their vote was a symbol of hope for a new Yemen.
• Others are voting to give legitimacy to the new president Hadi, hoping his votes will exceed four million, which was the number of votes Saleh received in the last presidential elections in 2006. 
• Some citizens were mislead to believe if Hadi does not get enough votes, Saleh will literarlly return to rule, i.e he will become the Preisdent again. (based on the GCC implementing mechanism, this is impossible as Saleh has already signed that Hadi is the next president).
• Other citizens are voting because of a belief that their vote would not necessarily solve future problems, but at least prevent violent clashes that may turn to a war.

Not everyone agrees with the above ideas, and hence national protests against the “election” took place on  Monday February 20, one day before the elections.  Songs calling to boycott the elections and posters against the “appointment” were distributed.

Those who advocate a boycott of the “election” consist of three main categories of people: independent youth members who outright oppose any political process including negotiations with the ruling party.  Hence they reject the GCC implementing mechanism in its entirety including the transitional government and the “election.”

The two most powerful resistance entities the Houthis and the Southern Secessionists have outright rejected the elections.  The Southern secessionists see the elections as a vote for maintaining Northern/Southern unity which many are against. The Houthis have rejected the elections as an extension of their rejection for the GCC.

Finally, independent youth groups who believe in a political process and agree that a transition period is necessary.  In fact they may agree that Hadi should lead, but will nevertheless boycott the election.

The reasons for the boycott vary from person to person, but include mainly the following:

• Individuals who believe the street is what delegitimized the previous government and it is the street that will provide the legitimacy not the ballot box.   
• While the election represents the end of Saleh’s 33 presidency, it does not represent the end of the regime.  Changing personalities in a structure that remains the same will mean that no change will happen.
• The belief that the hype on the election is a means to distract people from the real reform that needs to take place including military, judicial and constitutional reform.  Saleh’s son, nephews and relatives still hold high positions in the military.  While the GCC stipulates that a military reshuffling will take place after the election, some people doubt Hadi’s ability to truly advocate for such reforms.
• Some individuals believe it should have been called an appointment, rather than an election.  It was already stated in the GCC that Hadi is going to rule the country, so an announcement of his appointment for a transitional period would have been the more honest approach.  This is not just a case of semantics, but more about building trust between citizens and the new government.
• Millions of dollars should not have been spent on “monitoring” an uncontested election when there are other more pressing priorities in the country, including a humanitarian crisis.  While many state that this amount of money is not as large as other countries receive, it would have made a significant impact on those who cannot find food, shelter, or health care.

I personally fall in the latter group.  While as a graduate of international relations, I wholeheartedly believe that a political process is necessary and a transitional period is vital for peace and stability in Yemen, nevertheless this election is quite a disappointment for me.  The ballot today had one name, do we really want to start a new Yemen with a flawed process? 

In short, I will not vote because I believe we deserve better.  I believe in democracy, and I know this is not it.  Elections are not democracy, they are just one component of a democratic process.  The real moment of celebration for me will be when military restructuring, and judicial and constitutional reforms actually take place as a step towards independent institutions.  Of course things will take time, but we need to remember what we went out to the street for: real systematic change not just Saleh’s removal from power.

What is next for Yemen?

President Hadi has a very difficult job ahead to satisfy popular demands.  The hungry want to eat, students and the unemployed want jobs, businessmen want a better economy, and everyone wants electricity and water.

In addition, national reconciliation is of utmost importance.  The Southern issue and the Houthi rebellion in the North, must be urgently addressed.  The main question will be President Hadi’s ability to deal with national reconciliation, given that both groups have boycotted the election? What legitimacy will he have in their eyes? He has extended an open had to them, and promised to address their issues, but how can they have faith in that when their grievances about the election were completely ignored?

Of course the transitional government’s job, like the expectations is immense.  The people of Yemen must also work hard to advocate for their rights.  Today’s “election” is only the beginning.  While the GCC implementing mechanism does not represent total change, it however has many articles that activists can use to push for real reform.  Activists will need to become watchdogs and use what is in the GCC to their advantage.  Without further reforms it will be as if no revolution had taken place because the regime has not fallen.

We are not the citizens of the past who were frozen by fear.  We are an awakened street worthy of real change and we will continue to demand it

Yemen: No Spring Without Women

Published on Al Akhbar English ( http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/yemen-no-spring-without-women) on Tuesday, February 14, 2012

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Wooden wall separating the men and women’s section near the stage, 27 January 2012. (Photo: Atiaf Alwazir)

In February 2011, Umm Hashim, a 45-year-old mother and resident of Yemen’s capital Sanaa was glued to her television. For hours she watched the opposition channel Suhail broadcast images of injured protesters being rushed into the makeshift field hospital in Change Square. As tears rolled down her face, she vowed to go to Change Square and help in any way she could. Today, one year later, Umm Hashim has become one of the managers of the field hospital in Change Square who administers volunteers and checks on the medical supplies.

Women, a force in the revolution

Umm Hashim is not the only woman volunteer in Change Square. Thousands of women have actively participated in the revolution as protesters, leaders, volunteers, and supporters. Women are giving their time through volunteering in various committees, providing monetary donations, leading marches, cooking food for the protesters, supporting their spouses in the squares, and most significantly giving their life for a new Yemen.

In some instances, women’s participation challenged cultural taboos. In a country where reputation is at the heart of many cultural practices, women of the revolution began challenging some of these traditions by sleeping at the square. Traditionally it is not accepted for women to sleep outside their home without a guardian. A handful of female protesters and volunteers at the medical committee spent many nights in change square without their male guardians.

Another interesting change is the acceptance of Tawakkul Karman’s photo in public places. In a society where a woman’s appearance is not commonly seen on large billboards (with the exclusion of television and business advertisements), the Nobel peace prize winner and Islah member’s photo has spread throughout change square. Her image has become a new fashion brand. Tawakkul mugs, posters, clocks, pens, and key chains are sold in various corners of the square. In the midst of a male qat chew, tough traditional men chew in a tent decorated by her photo. This symbolism represents the baby steps women are taking to regain full equality and recognition in society.

Man proudly “wears” Tawakkul Karman’s photo. (Photo: Benjamin Wiacek)

For some, like Nadia, a 22-year-old volunteer in Change Square, this type of participation in the public sphere is their first. “In the early days of the revolution, my father told me that I was not allowed to go to Change Square, so I began sneaking out of the house without letting him know. I had a strong conviction that participating in the revolution is my Islamic duty. After a month, my father found out about my participation, but allowed me to continue going and said he was proud of me,” she explained.

Tawakkul Karman’s image has become a new fashion brand.

 

For other women such as Umm Khaled Al-Hamdani, a 35-year-old mother, her participation was life changing. She promised to continue volunteering as a way to give back to the community even after the revolution is over.
It is important however, not to take what we see on the surface as an indication of a cultural revolution. One cannot romanticize these personalized gains nor confuse them with something greater, unless the women’s movement will capitalize on them and push them further.

Instead, a deeper examination of women’s rights is necessary. While some very basic cultural taboos have been challenged or questioned, none of the major cultural practices that stand in the way of women’s rights were addressed. These include the selective use of religion to exclude women and the politicization of women’s rights.

In addition, deep rooted cultural beliefs will take years to transform. For example, some men have proudly accepted women’s participation and have showed a great deal of admiration for the women leaders of the revolution, while many feel the need to define them as “manly” in order to accept their leadership positions. Many male supporters of Karman or Boushra Al-Maqatary feel the need to describe them using masculine terminology, stating that they are “more manly than 1,000 men.”

Patriarchy continues in the square
After former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s infamous speech denouncing the mixing of men and women, the people in the square were instantly divided on reaction methods. Certain elements in the movement reacted by “proving” that mixing does not occur in the square, something that is factually incorrect. A popular song blasted in the square called Saleh a “liar, liar” for accusing the protesters of mixing.
Others, wanted to show that there is nothing wrong with mixed marches, and attempted to do that the next day. Some of these women were then beaten by members of the square's organizational committee (controlled by Islah hardliners) and assisted by some military personnel from the First Armored Brigade, who had joined the protesters and vowed to provide protection.

None of the Islah leadership condemned the attacks and physical beating of the female activists, but when Karman won the Nobel Peace Prize, the Islah party used her prize in their political campaigns as an example of their promotion of women’s rights. Time and time again, women’s rights proved to be a political tool used by both the opposition and the ruling party with no real promotion of women’s agenda.

Deep rooted cultural beliefs will take years to transform.

 

The selective use of religion to exclude women has not been publicly questioned or debated to the extent necessary. Recently, some Imams resorted to the use of takfir against Boushra al-Maktary, novelist and activist who lead the peaceful march from Taiz city to Sanaa, after an article she published titled “First Year Revolution.” The Imams along with some hardliners began a campaign against her via mosque sermons, articles tarnishing her reputation, death threats, and a march to her house condemning her actions. Given Boushra’s declared socialist leanings, some hardliners found her liberal background to be an easy target. This illustrates that women from a liberal background face numerous challenges not only from the state, but also from religious institutions. 

 On the other hand, Imams on the stage of Change Square encouraged more women to join the revolution. “You do not need the permission of your husband or father to come to the square, because this is a struggle for justice” said one Imam on stage.

However, on two different occasions, a different Imam prohibited women from marching. “My dear sisters, today is a male march, it is your duty to stay inside and protect the tents,” he said. Of course not all Imams on stage were negative towards women’s rights. Many other Imams encouraged women’s participation, and recited various stories of active women in Islamic history. Nevertheless, it is important to remember that both hardliners and progressive religious scholars are present and both have openly addressed women’s issues from their own different perspectives.

The stage where these speeches are made is placed in the heart of the square, serving also as the media hub. As a result it is at the epicenter of internal conflict between independents and Islah hardliners controlling it. Numerous disagreements arose but with time and constant negotiations, compromises were made. What was not negotiated was the segregation between men and women in the area surrounding the stage.

At first there was no barrier between women and men near the stage. On March 8, when women celebrated international women’s day, men and women were seated near each other with only a human barrier to separate them.

Men and women sitting side by side near the stage in change square, 25 Feb 2011. (Photo: Atiaf Alwazir)

With time, the human barrier was replaced by a thin blue rope to separate the women’s section, then a blue curtain and eventually a wooden wall and a metal door.

Curtain separating the men and women’s section near the stage, 10 May 2011. (Photo: Atiaf Alwazir)

While some women protested this “cage,” others believed it was not the time to struggle against it. One female women’s rights activist from Aden said that protesting against this cage was not a priority when people are dying, adding, “It’s not the time to complain about this wall, it would be too petty of us to do so now.”

Spring or Winter?
There is no doubt that women’s participation was a leading factor in the movement. This however does not mean that taking part in the protests has led to greater participation in social and organized political life. The revolution alone has not been the remedy for women’s exclusion from society as many media and experts claim.

As is exemplified by the low number of women in the “national unity government,” if women do not push for a stronger women’s agenda, they may in fact take a backseat in the future. In that case, the gains made in the revolution may become peripheries in the long run.

Women lost a golden opportunity in the past year to turn these political calls into a true cultural revolution, but there is still an opportunity to guarantee legal rights in the transitional period. This realization has pushed activists to hold events such as the march entitled “no spring without women” and to work together for the national women’s conference in order to set a unified agenda on priorities for the next two years.
Women have an opportunity to guarantee their rights through legal reforms by capitalizing on the vague and general stipulations in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) initiative. The GCC only stated that women should be represented “appropriately” in the national unity government. But, it also stated that women should be part of all the committees formed including the military, GCC initiative, communication, constitutional, and national dialogue committees.

Women should also make use of United Nations Security Council Resolution 2014. This resolution calls “upon all concerned parties to ensure the protection of women and children, to improve women’s participation in conflict resolution and encourages all parties to facilitate the equal and full participation of women at decision-making levels.” Yemeni women should also take advantage of the international conventions signed and ratified by Yemen as references for equal participation between men and women.

The interplay between current government actors, tribal and religious leaders, and members of the women’s movement, and the extent of the movement’ ability to use this window of opportunity to advocate for its interests will determine whether a real spring will flourish in Yemen.

Who knew that France and Yemen are so similar?

As someone who has lived between both the "east" and the "west", I often find it easy to adapt and connect to both worlds.  However, when I went to France this time, it was more difficult to quickly adapt.  That is most likely because I flew from revolutionary Yemen with no water, no electricity, and mass protests, to France with hot showers, 24 hours of internet and no gun shots.  What made me feel more disoriented, was the fact that I was listening to Yemeni music while visiting rural France.

So in an attempt to "connect" I tried to focus on the similiarities we share rather than the obvious differences.  The following is a list of 10 similarities that I found between Yemen and France.  It's not supposed to be taken seriously, so please excuse the generalizations I made.

Pride in national products: both are obsessed with their national products, always discussing them in every occasion they get.  The French with their wine and cheese.  Yemenis with the Qat & coffee.

Importance of la famille: family is important to both, but the definition of family in Yemen extends to a larger group of people.  My relatives from the seventh grandfather are considered my "cousins".  


Spending hours doing "nothing": both French and Yemenis enjoy spending hours talking, talking and talking.  Yemenis chew and talk, the French go to cafes and do the same.  This cultural habit proves useful in enjoying life and creating strong friendships and social exchanges.

Amazing architecture: while the architectural style is completely different, both have absolutely stunning historic buildings.

Architecture of old Sana'a, Yemen

"It's just the way we speak!": if you do not speak Arabic, hearing Yemenis talk might make you think they're always fighting.  That's because we often shout out people's names in public and talk in a very loud voice.  However, this should not be confused with being mad, it's just a way of speaking.  Similiarly, if you do not speak French and just focus on the nonverbal actions of the French such as the constant shrugs, you will think they are quite upset.  This thought will be more believable because of the many "huffs" & "boff's" they use in the conversation.  So for an outsider who doesn't speak French it will sound like this: "adfadfdsf ahh boff...asdfadf huff asdfadf ah non! adfadfasfd (add shrug) etc.  The reality is, they're not necessarily mad it's just the way they speak.


Political correctness, what's that? both Yemenis and French are very expressive about their opinions, not feeling the need to sugar coat anything or to try to be politically correct.  When you look shocked at what was said, the response is often: "what? we are just being honest!".

The love for kissing: Yemenis kiss on the cheek to say hello and goodbye, women kiss women, and men kiss men.  The French on the other hand kiss everyone and all the time.

English music everywhere: early 90's American songs are heard blasting in various shops in both countries.

Dinner is ready (photo taken in Lille, France)

Importance of aesthetics: in both countries, lots of importance is placed on the aesthetics during the most important part of the day.  Yemenis must have good comfortable cozy places for qat chewing and are quite creative in turning any place into a comfortable chewing spot.  The French on the other hand also need good ambiance for the sacred dinner. 

Importance of food: the food industry is very important to both countries.  Lunch for Yemenis and dinner for the French is very important. Yemenis however, spend a LOONG time cooking, and then eat the food in just 15 - 30 minutes.  French food often takes a shorter time to prepare, but eating takes between two to three hours.  People in both countries get extremely disappointed when you say you are "full" and can not eat anymore.


We can always find similarities anywhere we go, because despite the differences we have, we all share humanity in common.  At the same time, we should appreciate the differences because they make the world an exciting place to live.  Without them, the world will be such a boring place.

Social Media in Yemen: Expecting the Unexpected

This article was first published in Al-Akhbar English


A young group of men and women hover over their laptops while sipping expensive lattes at one of Sana’a’s four main Western style coffee shops. For the past six months, the majority of people in the Yemeni capital of Sana’a have received between two to four hours of electricity a day. Many of the customers are “electricity refugees” as activist Hamza Al-Sharjabi describes people who move from place to place in search of public spaces with generators for Internet and electricity.
Many activists are also at the cafes, often carrying with them heavy backpacks with their laptops and the chargers needed to power their camera, laptop, and phones.

One of these cafés is located about 1 kilometer from an entrance to the square, making it a proper spot for activists to meet, charge their equipment, update their blog, tweet, or go on Facebook via the terribly slow internet. In addition to these expensive cafes, generators and Wi-Fi can also be found inside the square in various tents including the media committee’s tent and others.

The creativity of people inside change square who turned empty tents into high tech Wi-Fi spots may appear as an oxymoron in the Western mindset. When it comes to Yemen, many people would not imagine that such a vibrant online community could exist in the region’s poorest countries.
In addition it may seem unimaginable that social media would have an important role to play in Yemen where illiteracy rates reach approximately 45% according to UNDP and where Internet penetration is less than 2%.

However, it is important to note that a large majority of the Yemeni population are youth, by some estimates, close to 60 percent. These youth also represent the majority of users online. While it is important not to exaggerate the impact of this small group of users, it is also important not to disregard their effect.

This effect also needs to be recognized in the context of the wider debate in the “online” community regarding the role of social media in the revolutions that swept the Middle East. Some dubbed these revolutions as the Facebook or Twitter revolutions and attribute the revolutions to these social networking sites. Others have completely dismissed its role, especially in societies with low literacy and Internet penetration rates. Another group, myself included, believe that social media is not a silent witness, nor is the cause of the mass people’s movement. Twitter and Facebook do not cause revolutions, people do. These people, fueled by years of injustice and wide grievances, are the true agents of change.

Organizing & networking
The power of these revolutions lies in the people’s strength to collaborate together. While the bulk of mobilization efforts in Yemen happen through word of mouth, radio, brochures and SMS services; sites such as Facebook helped people meet each other with one click, without having to travel great distances between cities.

Online forums and Facebook groups help people meet each other from different parts of the country. It helps create connections between people with similar interests that otherwise would have never met. These groups, some of which are private, are also the hubs of organizing for the next day’s marches.

Many independent groups who have members from various parts of the country hold online meetings in closed Facebook groups, where they vote on important matters, and share documents. There are over 30 revolutionary Facebook groups that vary in theme and topic which include women in the revolution, media campaigns such as Support Yemen, and revolutionary news.

The most recent “Life March,” for example, which took place from December 20 - December 24, saw hundreds of people march 267 kilometers from Taiz city to the capital Sana’a by foot. It was organized in Freedom Square in Taiz, and also on Facebook for others to join in the discussion. A page was set up with information on the location and time of the event. The group later evolved to include information on the march, photos, and videos. Messages of support poured in from people throughout the nation and abroad.

A live stream was set up for people to watch the event unfold. Activists abroad also joined in the media campaign by creating sites such as lifemarch.net with an interactive Google Map of the march, phone messages from activists, and reports on the march.

Given the fact that the Life March was organized by independent protesters, it not only went against the stance of the ruling party but also against the desires of the formal opposition political parties. This meant that none of the formal media outlets covered the event on television, radio, or printed press. Social media became the sole outlet for people to get an update on the Life March.

Sources of information in the absence of independent media
The Ministry of Information in Yemen controls printing presses, the main television channel and radio stations. Hence, radio and television broadcasters are not completely free to decide the content of their shows and printed press is not free from censorship.

Newspapers and magazines in Yemen are divided between private, government controlled, and party-affiliated magazines. Independent media is therefore lacking, and social media has filled that void.
Some bloggers and citizen journalists have become sources of information, forcing their writing style to shift from personal diaries to more objective “news” in order to fill the information void.

A group at Change Square called the media committee assigned themselves as one of the media voices covering the revolution. Information, photographs and videos are updated regularly on their blog, YouTube channel, and Facebook group. Some of their information was used by local, regional and international media.

Twitter has also become a very important source for spreading information to the world minute by minute especially given the low number of foreign journalists in Yemen due to the strict laws regulating entry visas to the country.

The main challenge with new media is credibility. While some twitter users are recognized activists and trustworthy sources, not all users can be relied upon. In the midst of thousands of online “activists”, it can be difficult for individuals to differentiate between reliable and non-reliable sources. For example, some foreign journalists have on occasion quoted some individuals as eyewitnesses who were not in the country, but were online activists from abroad.

With pure intentions, some activists abroad, have mistakenly spread false information when they were in fact not in the country by relaying information based on what others have said. This has caused rumors to become “facts” in the online world. In addition, while trying to help, online activists have sometimes created confusion by spreading various accounts of the same incident.

Documenting violations and Advocacy
Social media does not only serve the purpose of news sharing, but technology has also enabled activists to better document human rights violations. Sites such as Bambuser help spread news instantaneously through live streaming from mobile phones. The live stream details the exact location of the event through Google Map and maintains records of the time and video. This helps with the documentation process and removes any obstacle or doubt to credibility.
Security issues are of concern to activists because many of these new tools can also help in tracking individuals. For example, live streaming is great for documenting violations, but it also gives the exact location of the person recording the video which could aid government security in making arrests or intimidating activists. These tactics have also moved to the online arena through electronic threats, harassment, bullying and hacking.
When an activist receives an e-threat, the online community sometimes acts as a defense attorney, providing advise and advocating on the person’s behalf through media campaigns, petitions, and various online advocacy methods.

Social Media: Part of a Larger Whole
It is important to emphasize that users of social media are a minority in Yemen and other developing countries. Nevertheless, new media, as one tool out of many, has indirectly played a significant role in the mass people’s movement.
It is important to remember however, that online activists are not the only revolutionaries. In the media’s ultimate search for heroes, the West often coins online activists as leaders of the revolution simply because they can relate to them. They speak their language, and they can follow their blog. However, not all revolutionaries are online and their role should not be forgotten. Just because they do not tweet or facebook or have a blog does not mean they do not exist.

In Yemen, the Life March Revives the Debate on Immunity for Saleh

First published on Muftah.org

Hundreds of Yemenis are marching 250 kilometers from Taiz to Sana’a to protest the immunity clause contained in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) initiative.  Demonstrators began their journey on Tuesday December 20 and are hoping to arrive in Yemen’s capital in time to hold protests in front of the Parliament on Saturday.


On that day, Parliament is scheduled to vote on a law granting immunity to President Ali Abdullah Saleh and many senior officials, in accordance with the terms of the GCC implementing mechanism signed by Saleh in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia on November 23, 2011.

Dubbed the “Life March,” the demonstration is reviving the pro-democracy movement after the disappointment that followed the signing of the GCC implementing mechanism.
“The youth walking all the way from Taiz to Sana’a is a historic moment that is beyond description. It shows resilience and power of the people,” said one of the protesters.

Members of the pro-democracy movement have a number of grievances with the GCC deal, including the movement’s exclusion from the negotiation’s process, the lack of real comprehensive change in the plan, especially in the military arena, and the granting of immunity to Saleh, his aides, and many others.

Due to a lack of transparency, no public document listing those who will be granted immunity has been released.  However, off the record, members of the Joint Meeting Party (JMP), an opposition coalition, have admitted that some members of the opposition are included in the immunity deal.


Hope Restored

The Life March has revived hope that peaceful resistance is still possible even after ten long months of protest.  In the many cities and villages protestors have passed through, they have been welcomed with cheers, music, food, and shelter.  Along the protest route, many have also joined the march. A number of Facebook groups have been created to document the march, and a live stream has been setup for people to follow the protestors’ journey.
By fostering new forms of resistance, Taiz city has become a symbol for innovation and inspiration in Yemen.  This trend has continued with the Life March, making people feel proud and hopeful once more.



Implications & Challenges
The ruling party has accused the JMP of inciting protestors to march from Taiz to Sana’a. In particular, the party has accused Hamid al-Ahmar, a businessman and prominent figure in the Islah party, of funding the life march to disrupt the GCC agreement. Some political analysts believe that Hamid al-Ahmar and other players, who have not found a place in the GCC deal, may have incentives to halt the plan. The ruling party has also called for GCC mediation and threatened to derail the GCC deal if the Life March is not stopped.

Protestors at the Life March have denied the ruling party’s allegations and have stated that neither the JMP nor any other group has been involved in organizing the march.
While the march has certainly invigorated the revolutionary spirit, not all pro-democracy activists support the initiative.  Some feel that it is a waste of time, and that effort should be placed on building pressure groups to oversee the newly formed national government.


The Pro-Democracy Movement and the GCC Deal
While the majority of pro-democracy activists feel that the GCC initiative and implementing mechanism are imperfect, not everyone agrees on the current and future actions that the movement should take.  Currently, the movement is divided between those who disregard the GCC deal entirely and do not feel the need to address any of its components, and those who believe that the GCC initiative and its implementing mechanism are imperfect, but insist that the movement should participate in the political process and form new political parties and pressure groups.

There is also another group, within the movement, that supports the GCC initiative as the only viable solution. Munir Al-Mawery, an outspoken activist abroad and member of the national council, wrote in an op-ed piece in Al-Masdar online “If Parliament refused to pass the immunity law, this will be a precious gift to the deposed president and his family who will seize the opportunity to thwart the initiative, cancel the presidential elections and allow the return of the ousted president to his palace.”


Conclusion
While the GCC initiative and implementing mechanism provide one possible exit to the deadlock, it did not involve popular participation and, therefore, did not address any of the street’s demands.  With real grievances ignored, and no representatives to speak on their behalf, many Yemenis feel alienated and disappointed.

The Life March demonstrates that the revolution will continue and evolve into different forms. Political players have yet to learn that the Yemeni people will no longer tolerate a system of exclusion.  If a real solution is to be reached, protestors and major stakeholders need to be part of the process.  Collective participation is the only way to give the people a sense of ownership and endow the political process with real legitimacy.

Human connection is what it's all about

In the past couple of days, I have been extremely pessimistic, negative, and sad regarding the situation in Yemen. Today, a small incident reminded me of the many positive elements of Yemen.

While sitting in the taxi, on my way to a meeting, the car stopped at a red light. To our right sat a group of four men, who managed to turn the broken sidewalk into a picnic spot. They were eating some salta & bread. As soon as they saw us, they screamed ghada, ghada... lunch lunch, and gestured with their hand for us to join them. We did not join them. The driver thanked them, and then drove off, but my smile remained.

Many of us living in Yemen have had this experience multiple times.  This is just one tiny example of many, that demonstrate the hospitality and friendliness of the people in Yemen. This human connection is what makes Yemen so special, and keeps us smiling despite all the troubles.

Lunch time at change square in Sana'a, Yemen

Yemen's GCC Initiative: Cosmetic or Comprehensive Change?

First Published on Al-akhbar

After nine months of mass protests calling for an end to the regime, and six months after the initial Gulf Cooperation Council’s (GCC) initiative was submitted, Ali Abdullah Saleh signed the GCC’s implementing mechanism on 23 November 2011, at a ceremony in Saudi Arabia. The deal involved the transfer of his powers to Vice President Abd Rabu Mansour Hadi, in return for immunity from prosecution. A national unity government will be created, evenly divided between the opposition and Saleh's ruling party.

While the GCC implementing mechanism marks the first step in a political process on the long road to change, it fell short of the comprehensive change protesters have been demanding for some 10 months. It fails to appropriately restructure the military, ignores a large section of the population, grants Saleh immunity instead of serving justice and provides for elections that allow only one pre-determined winner.

On the day of the signature, confusion loomed in Yemen and mixed feelings surfaced in the streets of the capital.

Some expressed hope that this signature would save Yemen from economic and humanitarian collapse, others expressed happiness because “this dictator was forced to sign and relinquish his power to the vice president, and the JMP and the youth” said Ahmed, a member of the opposition coalition, the Joint Meeting Party (JMP).

Not everyone shares Ahmed’s enthusiasm. “I am not happy because we went to the street to demand an end to the regime and the current system, not just the removal of one man,” said Fatima al-Aghbary, protester and member of an independent youth coalition. Many protesters echoed Fatima’s worries, expressing feelings of betrayal and deep disappointment with the JMP.

At the outset of the demonstrations, groups representing most of the pro-democracy coalitions at the square came up with a list of demands. At the top of the listarticulated by the Coordinating Council of the Youth Revolution of Change (CCYRC) in March is the “removal of the current regime peacefully and removal of all its figures and all members of the President’s family and his relatives from all leadership posts in the military and civil institutions.”

The GCC implementing mechanism is imperfect, but from a diplomatic standpoint is an acceptable solution. While it is a compromise between the different formal political parties in Yemen, it is also a good compromise for foreign countries that have interests in the country – mainly Saudi Arabia and the United States. Supporting the GCC mechanism means that both countries can show some support for the democracy movement, but at the same time maintain an old system that is beneficial to both Saudi Arabia and the United States.

Saudi Arabia is not keen on seeing independent civic youth take leadership, as this pro-democracy movement could spill over into neighboring Saudi Arabia. The United States on the other hand, has a deep relationship with the current government due to its counter-terrorism unit and the “war on terror,” and therefore would not want to see that relationship disappear.

Given the complexity of interests involved in Yemen it is no wonder the plan contains many vague stipulations that could be interpreted in various ways.

Military restructuring

One of the main problems in Yemen is family/tribal control over the military and security apparatus, which therefore provides that family/tribe total control over state resources. For example, the son of the president heads the Republican Guards and the Special Counter-terrorism Forces; the nephew of the president controls the Central Security Forces; and the president’s brother controls the Air Force.

It should come as no surprise then, that the democracy movement called for a restructuring of the military as a means to end the military/family dictatorship. The movement demands: “Dissolving the political security forces and national security forces, and forming a new national security agency under the umbrella of the Ministry of Interior,” in addition to, “merging the Republican Guards with the military forces, and dissolving the national defense council to ensure full impartiality of the army and security forces.”

According to the GCC implementing mechanism, the new government will appoint a committee to "restructure" the security forces, including the army, the police and the intelligence services, headed by VP Hadi. While this sounds great in theory, it remains unclear what powers this committee will have to make real reforms, especially since it is very unlikely that Hadi will be able to push for these reforms, as he is considered to be weak and uninfluential.

More worrisome, is that there is no clear stipulation that bans the son or nephews of the president from remaining in their posts. In addition, any recommendation to remove government forces will also mean the need to remove Ali Mohsin, the “defected” military General, from his post. This could either lead to renewed military clashes between the two sides, or the restoration of an old friendship between Ali Mohsin and the Saleh clan as the only way for both camps to stay in power.

The day after the signing, large billboards appeared in the streets of Sana’a, showing Saleh and his son Ahmed, in military uniform, by his side. The text on the billboard reads: “You raised your son very well, that is why he will always remain by your side.” These billboards are an indication of the future plan to keep the son in his sensitive and powerful position.

The extent to which the committee is able to restructure the security forces and the military, will lead to the same extent of real change in Yemen. If these security forces are not dissolved, or merged into one national security agency, then the shadow of Saleh and the system he created will continue to rule the country.

Lack of inclusion

The GCC initiative and mechanism only addressed the formal political parties, and disregarded those who were the fuel for the mass people’s revolution: the youth. It also overlooked the powerful political groups with wide grassroots support, such as the Houthis and the southern secessionists. Since these important groups were not part of the discussion, they naturally do not feel ownership of it, and therefore feel that it is not binding for them.

These groups will most likely also be excluded from the unity government that divides seats between the JMP and the ruling party. In addition, since the JMP is made up of different political parties, it is unclear to which extent parties other than the dominant Islamist Islah party, will be represented.

In addition, although the mechanism indicates that “national dialogue” will take place with the presence of youth, women, Houthis and southern secessionists, it is unclear whether a new government that is seen as illegitimate will be able to mediate such talks. There might be a need for an honest broker in the middle to carry such a heavy burden. This might be a place where independents can fill the gap.

Women on the other hand were mentioned very briefly in the implementing mechanism, despite the fact that they were part of the revolution from the beginning. The mechanism states that women should have “appropriate representation” in the new government. The vagueness of the term “appropriate” will create widespread debate, and of course the interpretation will differ from group to group.

Women’s groups need to push for real representation at the decision making level and to be part of all the important committees, including the constitutional committee.

Immunity clause v. justice

After the deaths and injuries of hundreds of peaceful protesters and civilians, the immunity clause given to Saleh and his close allies feels like “a slap in the face” says Ali, a 19-year-old protester. The immunity clause violates the youth’s demand that seeks to “legally pursue and prosecute corrupt officials that caused, assisted and incited the killing and injuries of peaceful protesters.” From a diplomatic standpoint, the immunity clause was a necessary compromise in order for Saleh to agree to sign.

The immunity clause not only goes against the demands of the people, and against human rights, but it’s also a dangerous precedent to set in a society that will take matters into its own hands if justice is not served.

Realizing such inherent dangers, the implementing mechanism tried to address this concern by emphasizing the creation of a national commission for human rights, charged with investigating individual complaints regarding human rights violations and compensating victims.

But despite multiple redrafts the rights commission was excluded from the final agreement. With no court to intervene, the families of victims of violence such as the March 18 sniper attacks on peaceful Sana’a protesters, resulting in 50 deaths, will feel alienated. Finding no legal means to seek justice, the victims and their families may take matters into their own hands. In a society with a tradition of revenge, this could stir a cycle of retribution leading to years of war.

One-person election

The upcoming election scheduled for February 21 will be a grand show to mark the beginning of a new phase. But the new phase will begin with a flawed process – an uncontested election. Both the JMP and the ruling General People’s Council (GPC) agreed in the implementing mechanism to accept one candidate: Abd Rabu Mansour Hadi, in order to move past the political deadlock.

Of course many different electoral systems exist, but this one-person election will naturally not sit well with the Yemeni people. As elections imply a way for an electorate to select someone among multiple candidates for office, the upcoming “election” is more of an “appointed” post rather than an election.

Having an election might emphasize the importance of a process. However when the process is a failed one, wouldn’t that legitimize an illegitimate process? It is precisely for this reason that some independent youth are deciding whether to select another candidate for the elections, even if it is just a symbolic move.

A legally binding signature may not be enough to ensure that elections will be conducted in a timely fashion. It is not beyond question that Saleh, or the people around him, may continue to create conflict either to postpone elections, to prolong his stay, or to make sure his son remains in a powerful post. Also problematic is that the GCC implementing mechanism places a lot of importance on one person: Abd Rabu Hadi Mansour. What if he suddenly dies, or is killed? Will both sides be able to agree on another candidate? Will elections be postponed indefinitely?

Conclusion

While the GCC implementing mechanism has some important stipulations, it should be placed in a context where the rule of law is absent, and implementation is often lacking. In the absence of an independent judiciary, who will monitor the implementation? Time will unravel the answers to the many questions that still remain.

Despite all these imperfections, Saleh has legally signed away his political career. It is up to the people in the street to make sure that happens, and to continue to push for broad changes. Independent groups should form pressure groups to monitor the implementation of the mechanism and to put pressure on the new transitional unity government.

The hope for Yemen is that the independent civic groups will organize to become the third voice in order to bring true democracy to Yemen.

Revolutionary addiction

“Every form of addiction is bad, no matter whether the narcotic be alcohol or morphine or idealism.”

- Carl Gustav Jung quotes

It’s hard to understand an addiction unless you’ve experienced it, and most of us have experience one form or another at some point in our life. I recently came to the realization that I have an addiction called the Revolution.

I’m a person who loves life and wants to enjoy every second of it. But for the past ten months, all I could talk about is politics, and most of the activities I have been engaged in are related to the revolution. While I’ve always loved politics, it never completely and utterly consumed me like this before. Since January, my life has turned upside down.

I didn’t realize the negative side of it, until I noticed that I no longer talk about anything other than the Revolution. I miss talking about "nothing" and enjoying it. I miss laughing with friends so hard until tears roll down. I miss talking about what dress I wish was on sale, and what the latest movie is. I miss reflecting internally on how I feel. I miss talking to friends about their relationship problems. I miss talking to my brother and sister about their first year in university.

This obsession is making me miss out on important daily life, and its draining me emotionally.

I miss my old me.

Despite the irony that my friend pointed out of simultaneously wanting my OLD self back, and dreaming of a NEW Yemen, I need to step on the breaks and take a moment to reflect in order to remember that life is bigger than just one moment in history.

This is why I decided that I must undergo these 10 Steps of Revolution Rehab. I’m sure I’m not the only one suffering from this illness. If you are as well, here are some steps that could help you triumph over the addiction.

1. Admit that you are powerless over the Revolution – and that you life has become solely dedicated to it. 

2. Actively take weekends for R&R (rest and recuperation) to restore your sanity. 

3. Admit that in the process of your addiction, you may have neglected those closest to you, including family and friends. Seek apology from them.
4. Take a couple of hours each day to do non-Revolution related activities. Facebook and Twitter do not count.
5. Actively seek artistic nonpolitical activities. Try to express yourself through the arts.
6. Stay away from the computer for one entire day.
7. Dedicate at least one day a week to doing absolutely nothing related to the revolution. You can not talk about it, think about it, or do anything related to it.
8. Engage in conversation that is not related to the revolution at least once a day.
9. Do not go to change square for one entire week.
10. Do not attend a demonstration for one entire week.

كن يمنيا وحسب! شعر الدكتور نزار الحبشي

أسمي يمني بن يمني اليمني
أنا يمني وبطاقتي يمنية وحسب
لا ينتقص من وطنيتي وولائي عصبية إنتماء لحزب أو قبيلة أو منطقة أو مذهب
ولائي لليمن وحدها، لا يشكاركها ولائي أحد
عشقي لليمن وحدها، لا ينافسها في عشقي لها أحد
ثُرت من أجلها هي وحدها.... وحدها هي فقط
ثُرت من أجلها لم أنتظر إذن ولا توجيه من أحد
ثُرت من أجلها لا أنتظر نفقة من أحد
ثُرت من أجلها لا أطمع في مال أو منصب أو سلطة أو نيل رضا من أحد

ترفعت دوما أن أكون جزء من النظام حاكمٌ أو معارض
لم يصرف لي الحاكم يوما مبلغا من المال أو سيارة أو قطعة أرض بلا حق
لم أستغل علاقتي به قط لأحصل على تسهيل أو منحة لأبني أو منصب أملأ به كرشي بغير حق
لم يكن لي من الوظائف مثنى وثلاث ورباع أستلم رواتبها بغير حق
لا أستلم مال من جارة ولا صديقة ولا أستمع الأوامر من أحد
لم أطلق طلقة في الهواء، لم أقتل أحد ولم أنهب شئ من أحد
أحترمت ديني وسموت به فلم أجعله سلعة أزايد بها على أحد
لم أستخدمه لأجعل من الحق باطل والباطل حق متى ما أردت

حررت نفسي أولا ففاقد الشئ لا يعطيه لأحد ناهيك عن البلد
ثُرت ضد كل الباطل ومن أجل كل الحق
سأقول للباطل باطل وللحق حق لن أنافق أو أخاف من أحد
فالثورة من أجل اليمن وليست من أجل أحد

يمني أصيل نقي كالذهب
فلا تتباهي عليّ يا من أمتلكت بطاقة عضوية في حزب أو تبعية لأحد
لا تزايد عليّ بمجرم أو فاسد من الماضي لم يرحم لعقودٍ البلد
إياك أن تدعوني مندس أو مثير للفتن
فالذي بيته من زجاج لا يرمي بيتاً أحجاره من أرض البلد
أترك هويتك "الفوق يمنية" فالحديد لا يتكبر على الذهب
كن يمنيا خالصا، كن جزء من الذهب!
إنها ثورة من أجل اليمن..... وحسب.

د. نزار الحبشي

Hopes & Fears -London Conference on Cyberspace

I recently spoke at the London Conference on Cyberspace in a session entitled Hopes and Fears.  Here is a copy of the speech  I gave.

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A while back, I stood in front of an armored vehicle and snapped a photo while my hand was shaking, and since then, I thought to myself, nothing will ever make me feel intimidated again.  But today, being part of this distinguished panel, I realize that is not true. 

As a blogger, researcher and activist I heavily rely on internet on a daily basis, especially since the start of the peaceful resistance movement.

I will try to summarize how social media has helped us in Yemen and in the region.

Breaking the fear & silence: living under constant fear of speaking out, there is something comforting about being behind a computer screen.  It gives a false sense of security, but enables more people to be vocal.  A professor of mine took the class once to a computer lab, and we had the same discussions we usually have inside the classroom, but in the computer lab, behind the computer screens, more people joined the discussion.  This is just one example of the psychology of being behind the computer screen.

Organizing: While the bulk of mobilization efforts in Yemen happens through word of mouth, radio, brochures and SMS services; sites such as facebook helped in organizing events on the ground.  The social and political listserves & the facebook groups on various topics, helped people meet each other from different parts of the country.  It connected people with similar interests that otherwise would have never met.  Groups were created based on different interests to discuss ways to solve many prevailing issues in the country.  During the revolution, these groups, some of which are closed groups were the hub of organizing for next day’s marches.

Spreading news: Due to lack of independent media in Yemen, where both political opposition and government media lack credibility, new media has become a valuable source of information for news.  Twitter has also become a very important source of information for spreading information to the world minute by minute.  This became even more importance since Yemen has few foreign journalists.  Twitter became a link to the outside world.  In addition, due to the lack of independent media, social media sites became valuable source of information for news.  Many bloggers felt that their role should be to provide an objective source of information for citizens and the world.

Documenting human rights violations: technology has enabled activists to better document violations and helped spread them instantaneously through live streaming, use of mobiles to photograph and videotape events, and then sending them to human rights organizations throughout the world.

Global solidarity: the online world has become an arena of global solidarity.  When I received an e-threat once on my youtube account, I took a screen shot of the threat, and posted it on twitter.  Two hours later, the person who threatened me had received numerous complaints on his/her youtube page, by people I didn’t even know.  Two days later, that person shut his/her youtube channel. 

The internet has also helped bridge the gap between the “east” and the “west”, making us all realize how close we are as human beings, and how much we have in common.

Learning and knowledge sharing: In the past, everything was controlled by government, with the introduction of internet, no one has control over what we can read, and watch.  Internet is a sea of information, that allows us to fish anything we want and at anytime.  No longer can governments block our right to access that information. 

In addition, the internet has transformed the way we do research.  How many of us open google or Wikipedia immediately when starting a research?   In countries with few libraries, the internet provides an opportunity for us to navigate mass information from our own home.  It also gives us the opportunity to visit worldwide art galleries from the comfort of our home.  Those who would like to study abroad but can not afford it, can no enroll in e-learning classrooms.

Now, I am not one to say that facebook or twitter created the revolutions that swept the Arab world.  We have been calling for change for a long time.  People are the agents of change, and the internet is one tool out of many tools such as radio and SMS that can help.  

To give you an example, if you need to go to work, you can walk, but it might take you a long time.  Now if you were given a fast car, a sports car, and also had some techno or fast music in the car, you would get there much faster, and people all around will hear the blasting music.  That is how social media and internet has helped, by accelerating the process, not by creating the change.

Of course there are many challenges to the internet.

• The urban/rural digital divide, enhanced by the illiteracy rates means that those in the main cities have full advantage of what the internet has to offer, while those in rural areas do not receive all the benefits. 
• Language barrier is also present.   Those who speak English have more access to what is online than others.
• Security issues are of course of concern to those activists because many of these new technologies that help in spreading information, also help in tracking individuals.  For example, live streaming is great for documenting violations, but it also gives the exact location of the person recording the video.
• There is a lack of infrastructure needed for fast internet in developing countries, which needs to be enhanced for citizens to be able to utilize the internet.
• There is also a fear that internet would pushing activists from being solely on the ground grassroots activists to activists only behind computer screens.

Despite these fears and chanllegnes, I believe that the internet is a tremendous technology that has not yet been used to its fullest potential. I also believe that the benefits outweigh the challenges. Every new technology has challenges, but I have faith that our human race will continue to develop and improve this technology to the benefit of humanity and freedom everywhere.

Thank you.