في ذكرى يوم العمّال: فلنذكر عمّال الوطن المنسيين

سوف تتعلم الأجيال الآتية المساواة من الفقر والمحبّة من الحزن- جبران خليل جبران

لبضعة أشهر مضت وحتى الآن كانت مدن اليمن تغرق في أكياس متنوعة الألوان: حمراء، زرقاء، خضراء، وصفراء... لم تكن ورودا زاهية ولا زهورا متألقة، ولكنها أكياس زبالة طغت على كل مدن اليمن مما جعل المناطق تفوح بروائح لا تطاق تزكم الأنوف، واهم من ذلك ماتسببه من إنشار الأمراض على نحو واسع.

لم يعرف الناس مقدار ما يقدمه عمال النظافة من خدمات لهم حتى رأوا ما أمامهم وبدأوا يتساءلون عن سبب ذلك وعرفوا انه بسبب إضراب عمّال النظافة لكنهم لم يحسوا بما يعانية هؤلاء من اضطهادن وتهميش، وسوء معاملة، جعلتهم يتخذون الإضراب-وهم على حق فيه- وسيلة مطالبة بتحسين اوضاعهم ورفع معاشاتهم، وتثبيتهم في أعمالهم، واعطاءهم حقوقهم.

بدأ الناس يتسائلون عن أسباب الإضراب، و غضب أحد عقال احد الحارات من هذا الوضع السيء، وصمم ان يزور العمّال في بيوتهم كي يأمرهم بالعودة إلى العمل. وللعلم فأغلبية العمّال ممن يسمّون بـ "المهمشين" او كما يسمون باسم اشد قسوة وأكثر مهانة وهي "الأخدام". وهم بطبيعة الحال لم يولدوا مهمشين، ولم يولدوا اخداما، بل ولدوا أحرار، وكلنا ايضا أحرار في هذه الدنيا، ولكن الأنظمة الظالمة لم تكتف بالتسمية فقط، بل طبقت عليهم قوانين المذلة أيضا، ومع اني لا احب ان استخدم الكلمتين إلا ان المجتمع هو الذي همشهم ومن ثم فاأنا اشير اليهما كتشخيص حالة مرضية لا إقرار واقع.

عندما وصل عاقل الحارة إلى "السمسرة" التي يعيشون فيها أصيب بصدمة نتيجة مارأى من ظروفهم المعيشية التعيسة فوجدهم يسكنون في مكان ضيّق ومغلق مكتظ بمن فيه، يتكدس بعضهم فوق بعض كعلب السردين في مكان ليس به صرف صحي، ولا مشروع ماء، ولا كهرباء. هذه المنطقة تبعد ١٠ دقائق فقط من منزل عاقل الحارة ولكنها تبعد ألآف الأمتار من واقع حياته وجيرانه.

جلس عاقل الحارة ليتحاور مع مجموعة من عمّال النظافة وطلب منهم أن يعودوا إلى العمل، فبدأوا يشرحون له بعضا من معاناتهم وسبب إضرابهم، وبعد ساعة من الحديث تضامن عاقل الحارة معهم ومع مطالبهم، وبهذا التضامن أثبت انسانيته.

إن عمّال النظافة محرومين من عقود ملزمة، رواتب عادلة، ضمان صحي، و تثبيت في العمل. يشتغلون كمتعاقدين يوميا بمبلغ يتراوح ما بين ٦٠٠ إلى ٧٠٠ ريال يمني في اليوم لمدة ٣٦٠ يوم في السنة حتى في الأعياد "فلا عطل، ولا إجازات، ولا تأمين إجتماعي، أو صحي، ولا تحسب لهم سنين الخدمة التي يخدمونها في "وطنهم" قال حيدر سويد رئيس جميعة أصدقاء النظافة بالاضافة إلى تلك المعاناة فهم لا يحصلون على أيه علاوات سنويّة. فهم "ليسوا خاضعين لسلم الوظائف المدنيّة وهذا يحرمهم من الترقية والترفيع. فالعامل الذي له ١٨ عام كالذي له يوم واحد" أضاف حيدر سويد.

عملهم صعب وشاق ومع ذلك فهم يعملون من دون ضمانات صحية، وهم أكثر عرضة من غيرهم للأمراض حيث لا توجد لديهم ملابس وقائيّة تصونهم من الأمراض، وإذا مرضوا فليس لهم ضمان صحي. ظلمات بعضها فوق بعض.

لا تتمسك الدولة بمعايير التوظيف القانونيّة عند تشغيل عمّال النظافة، وبالتالي فإن عددا كبيرا من الأطفال دون السن القانونيّة يعملون في النظافة، كما تواجه النساء العاملات في النظافة مشاكل كبيرة أثناء الحمل أو الرضاعة أو الولادة، كما يتعرضن إلى التحرش والإغتصاب. ولا من سائل ولا من مجيب، وخاصة وهن لايستطعن ان يرفعن قضية ضد الجاني بسبب الخوف، وعدم توفير المال، وعدم توفير أي نوع من الحماية القانونيّة.

باختصار فالدولة بشكل دائم لا تتعامل جديّا مع قضايا الانتهاكات الجسديّة والجنسيّة والتميير القائم على أساس اللون ضد المهمشين وخاصة عمّال النظافة.

بسبب هذه الانتهاكات ضد حقوقم قامت النقابة بترتيب إضراب شامل في كل مدن الجمهوريّة مما أدى الى إصدار قرار مجلس الوزراء رقم (٤٦) لعام ٢٠١٢ مؤخرا بتثبيت عمّال النظافة واعتبارهم كموظفين رسميين، وهذه خطوة جيدة لأنها ان طبقت ستعطي العمّال حقوقهم وايضا ستكون حاجزا ضد الفساد الاداري الذي كان يستفيد منه البعض بالتعاقد يوميّا مع أسماء وهميّة لسرق الأموال.لكن الاجراءات ما زالت قائمة.والبرقراطية ماتزال تعمل، وبقية العوائق معروفة.

لقد قدم عمّال النظافة مهلة ثلاثة اشهر للحكومة حتى تنفذ القرار ، لأن هذا ليس أول قانون يقر مطالب تثبيت العمّال. ففي ٢٠٠٨ صدر قرارين رسميين ٢٩٢ و٥١٧ من وزيري الخدمة المدنية والتأمينات يتضمنا موافقة وزارة الخدمة المدنية والتأمينات على تثبيت عمّال النظافة واعتبارهم موظفين حكوميين مع مساواتهم بزملائهم في كل الحقوق. والى اليوم وبعد مضى أربع سنين فإن هذا القانون لم يطبق، وكذلك بقية القوانين التي صدرت بهذا الخصوص . ومن هنا علينا ان نطالب ونضغط على الحكومة الانتقاليّية بتطبيق هذا القانون وجعله من أولويّات الدولة، كما يجب أن توضع قضية عمّال النظافة في جدول أعمال الحوار الوطني، ومن اولوياته.

الواقع المر الذي عادة ما نحاول ان ننساه هو أن التمييز ليس فقط تمييز رسمي ولكنه ايضا أجتماعي أي من المجتمع نفسه. صحيح ان الدولة لم تصر على ادماج المهمشين مع بقية المجتمع وكرست مبادئ التمييز ولكن ليست المشكلة مشكلة دولة فقط ولكنها مشكلة ثقافيّة إجتماعية.

عادة ما يتعرض المهمشون إلى تمييز وعنصريّة وعنف من اخوانهم اليمنيين و كما أن البعض يرفض ادماجهم في المجتمع ويريد التفرقة بينهم وباقي المجتمع وكأنهم خائفين من "عدوى”. هناك قائمة من الأمثال الشعبيّة مثال حي للثقافة السائدة: (ومن صاحب الخادم بكّر نادم) و (إذا أكل الكلب من وعائك اغسله وإذا أكل الخادم من وعائك اكسره). ولذلك على الدولة أن تأخذ الإجاراءات اللازمة لدمج المهمشين مع باقي المجتمع ونشر الوعي ضد هذه الانتهاكات وايضا تجريم التمييز.

في ذكرى يوم العمّال دعونا فعلا نجعله تذكيرا جهيرا بحقوق عمّال النظافة عمّال الوطن. ولا ننسى أنه بينما يكون الكثيرون منا في عطل رسمية يكونون هم يعملون ويشتغلون في اليوم الذي من المفروض ان يكرموا فيه.

اشكروهم وقدروهم واذكروا اننا كلنا من ابناء نفس الوطن، فكلنا سواسية ولا فرق بين احد. قفوا معهم وساندوهم في مطالبهم الشرعيّة وعندما ينظموا وقفة احتجاجيّة انضموا إليهم واجعلوا هذه القضية قضيّة وطن. أليست الحريّة والعدالة والمساواة للجميع مطالب كل ثورة حقيقية؟

Time to remember Yemen’s forgotten workers

"Coming generations will learn equality from poverty, and love from woes" - Gibran Khalil Gibran

For months, piles of red, blue, green, and yellow plastic trash bags spilled into the streets throughout Yemen, filling the cities with the unbearable stench of filth and decay. This was due to a nationwide strike by sanitation workers demanding improved work conditions.

This protest was not the first of its kind. Garbage collectors have gone on strike five times since 1993 to demand higher wages. While they managed to secure wage increases from $0.93 to $3.80 per day, they have also incurred the heavy cost of imprisonment of labor union members for weeks and sometimes months. This increase in wages technically puts them above the poverty line, but they continue to work under extremely insecure and harsh conditions with the lowest wages for public sector employees.

The workers framed their grievances in terms of both economic exploitation and social inequality. As their struggle was integrated into broader national narratives of suffering, the inequities of their situation became more commonly recognized and sympathized with, in spite of continued and considerable discrimination.

The majority of sanitation workers belong to an ostracized social group which self- identifies as al-muhammashin (the marginalized), but is more commonly and derogatorily known as al-akhdam (the servants).

In each neighborhood, residents complained about street cleaners and their strike.  Ahmed, a neighborhood local authority hence decided to solve the problem, he was determined to go visit the street cleaners and demand that they go back to their jobs.  Most street cleaners, if not all, are part of a marginalized community commonly referred to with the derogatory term “al-Akhdam” the servants.

As Ahmed entered the home of one of the workers, he was struck by the overcrowded space, and lack of basic infrastructure such as sewage system, water, and electricity.  While this was only five minutes away from his home, it was miles away in terms of difference.  As they began explaining their harsh work conditions, under-paid salaries, and exclusion from basic rights such as education and health care, Ahmed’s demanding tone softened.  After one hour, he expressed his solidarity with them, and encouraged them to continue their strike.   

Garbage collectors work under very harsh conditions. They are not officially employed by the government, and are only contracted to work per day receiving $3.80 to $4 per day and work 360 days a year, with “no vacation days, no holidays, no social or medical insurance, and the years of work do not count towards promotion" said Haidar Swaid, head of Cleaners Friendship Society. “A man who worked 18 years is like the man who started work yesterday” he added.

While they have a very tough job and work in unsanitary areas, they are denied medical insurance, and do not have the proper clothing for protection.  No gloves are even offered for them while they are doing their job.

The government also does not respect the employment laws and hence there are many children working as street cleaners.  In addition, pregnant and breast feeding women suffer from very harsh work conditions with no compensation.  Too often, women street cleaners are also harassed and raped.

Given their fear of being fired as there is no contract to protect them, their poverty, and the fact that they are denied legal defense, they often do not report or sue their perpetrators.  The government  does not address the issue of rape and sexual harassment against marginalized women in a serious manner, nor the general discrimination and racism against the marginalized community, and street cleaners.

After months of the on and off strikes, the prime minister passed law number 46 which decreed full employment rights and benefits for street cleaners.  This is a good announcement as it will serve to not only give workers their rights (if implemented) but also reduce corruption.  The “daily contractors” system helped maintain corruption as many managers often hire “fake and non existing” street cleaners in order to embezzle the money. 

Street cleaners have given the government three month period to implement the law or else they will return to their strike.  This is because the previous government had already passed two laws in April 2008, law number 292 and 517 which decreed full employment of street cleaners with complete benefits. Unfortunately, this law was never implemented.  It is therefore vital that we push for the implementation of this law, and pressure the government to make this a national priority that should be discussed in the national dialogue.

The bitter truth that many try to avoid is that this discrimination is not only institutionalized practice, but also due to cultural practices.  The marginalized community often face brutal verbal abuse and discrimination from their fellow citizens.  Common sayings such as “if a dog eats from your plate clean it, if a khadim eats from your plate, break it”, or “he who befriends a khadim will regret it”

are examples of the prevent and widespread discrimination.  It is therefore vital that the state has the political will to integrate the marginalized community in mainstream society, criminalize discrimination and racism, and raise awareness on this topic.

In honor of labor day, let us take a moment to remember the street cleaners. While many of us are on holiday today, these hidden heroes are working even on the day that is assigned to honor them. 

Thank them, be grateful for their hard work, and give them the recognition they deserve.  Most importantly, stand in solidarity with their demands for equality and justice. Next time street cleaners are demonstrating for their rights, everyone should join them in order to make it a national issue.  

After all, isn’t that what the revolution was about?
Equality, justice and and freedom for all.

  

Yemen: The Political Power of Laughter

First published on al-Akhbar

Political satire poking fun at Yemeni officials mushroomed during the country’s uprising. Starting among a receptive audience in the tents of Sanaa’s Change Square, political humor now features on national television stations.

Anyone who visits Yemen will surely hear this infamous joke or a similar version of it:

“Satan decided to leave Yemen once and for all. Before leaving, the immigration officer informed the minister of interior of Satan’s plan. The minister then asked Satan, ‘Why are you leaving?’ He responded: ‘the Yemeni people don’t appreciate the good deeds I have done. I taught all the officials how to steal, and now that they built their castles, they have a sign on the entrance saying: this is from the blessings of God!’”

As this joke illustrates, humor is alive in Yemen despite or because of the many problems the country faces. Humor has in fact been used for centuries as a form of entertainment and satire in Yemen. The work of the 18th century poet Al-Khafanji, who was known for his satirical work, was very popular especially when famous musicians used his poetry as lyrics.

Humor has also been used as a means to raise awareness and to express social and political dissent. Radio programs such as Musid wa Musida in the 1980’s, depicted a married couple who faced daily struggles but always managed to resolve them. The characters often fought and poked fun at each other, making them national icons. The show was witty, funny, and captured the attention of every household and taxi driver who anxiously waited for the new episodes.

Recent television shows such as the Ramadan program Keeny Meenyalso use comedy to highlight social issues such as early marriage, health care, and corruption.

Today, the complexities of the political process and the unreliable news coverage provide material for comedians and artists. Making fun of Yemeni politics has become a national hobby.

Mocking Misery

Today, the complexities of the political process and the unreliable news coverage provide material for comedians and artists.

Kamal Sharaf, a 33-year old cartoonist, began his career in 1996 with a passion for drawing by focusing on social issues. “The best way to raise awareness about difficult social issues is to show the misery of people in a funny way. They have enough misery. They should deal with it by smiling, not crying,” he says.

Then, in 2008 during the ongoing war in the northern province of Saada that began in 2004 and lasted until 2010 – when government forces fought Houthi rebels and media was barred from covering the news – Sharaf began making political cartoons focusing on the situation in the north.

“I made my first caricature of former President Saleh,” recounted Sharaf, making the cartoonist one of the first to draw the president himself in a mocking way. In 2010 he found himself imprisoned for his work. In order to be released, he signed an agreement which stated that he would not poke fun at the president again, but when the revolution kicked off, he broke his promise.

The revolution has certainly pushed more artists to openly criticize government policies. At Change Square in Sanaa, where protesters are still camped out, musicians, poets, actors, and comedians all use humor to relay social and political messages.

The most crowded tents are often those where comedians imitate the president or opposition leaders, or perform comedy shows on stage. During the uprising, musicians such as al-Adrui creatively parodied many traditional songs with anti-regime lyrics, such as one wedding song which called on Saleh to leave the country like the bride who leaves her home.

Yemeni activists highlighting ongoing protests also made various short witty clips. One popular video with nearly 50,000 hits, mixed Katy Perry's hit song "Hot 'N Cold" with excerpts from former President Saleh’s speeches. The video creatively captures his contradictory statements regarding his exit from the country with Perry’s lyrics: “You change your mind like a girl changes clothes.”

At Change Square in Sanaa, where protesters are still camped out, musicians, poets, actors, and comedians all use humor to relay social and political messages.

While Saleh’s speeches provided material for many of these clips, the most inspiring character has been the deputy minister of information Abdo al-Janadi, whose peculiar commentary and imaginative responses to questions have deemed him a source of entertainment. Many compare his style to the Iraqi minister of information Muhammed Saeed al-Sahhaf’s messages regarding the invincibility of Saddam and the Iraqi Army in 2003.

After watching a press conference by al-Janadi, comedian and producer Mohammed al-Rubaa and his friend decided to make one satirical clip to respond to the deputy minister. The popularity of this clip encouraged them to turn it into a regular program on the opposition channel Suheil, making it one of the most watched programs in the country.

Similar to the popular American program, The Daily Show, Aakis Khat(“Against the Current”) uses news clips to highlight discrepancies between state news and reality. In one episode, al-Rubaa exposes a man who was introduced on Yemeni state TV as a political analyst, who insisted that the opposition bloc, the Joint Meeting Party (JMP), are linked to Al-Qaeda.

One of the show’s fans contacted al-Rubaa informing him that the “expert” is in fact a Qat vendor and not a political analyst. To prove it, the viewer sent a video of the “expert” selling Qat. “I showed both images on the show to prove that state TV is not always accurate,” said al-Rubaa, with a mischievous smile. “In our program, the viewer has become part of the production,” he added.

Humor has proved more popular than workshops and seminars in raising awareness, especially in places with high illiteracy rates. To Sharaf, this is one of the reasons why his cartoons have been widely disseminated. “Caricature is the people’s preferred choice,” he said.

It is precisely because it is a language that transcends class and background, and can be disseminated very quickly, that the regime reacts harshly against it. Sharaf has not only been imprisoned, but like many others, has also been beaten and accused of spying. “They do these things because they don’t want people to think independently,” he argued.

Marked Man

Al-Rubaa’s life has changed dramatically since he began the show. He has been living in Change Square for over one year due to attempted arrest, regular death threats, and the bombing of his house. “There is an order to arrest me now, for what crime, I’m not sure,” he solemnly said. Even at Change Square, he needs to be careful, since there was an attempt to kidnap him there.

In one instance an innocent man spent one month in jail because security mistook him for al-Rubaa.

Humor has proved more popular than workshops and seminars in raising awareness, especially in places with high illiteracy rates.

Some individuals, who have appeared on al-Rubaa’s show, such as the Qat vendor, have been alienated from their community. “When I was in prison, one Salafi man wanted to kill me because he was offended by my depiction of [conservative sheikh Abdul Majid] al-Zindani,” said Sharaf.

Despite these threats, both Sharaf and al-Rubaa vow to continue. “I have entered a door that I can no longer retreat from. I will continue no matter how hard it gets,” said al-Rubaa. With nothing to lose, are these artists free to do and say what they please? Are there any limits on their freedom of expression?

Red lines change from one media outlet to another. By working for a variety of media outlets, Sharaf was able to maneuver around dangerous subjects, diversifying his cartoons. “If I put all my drawings together from the various media outlets, you will see that I have made fun of everyone,” he said.

Given that al-Rubaa’s show airs on the opposition channel Suheil, which is linked to the Islamist Islah party, some people question his independence. “The problem with comedy in Yemen is that it’s too politicized,” said journalist Mohammed al-Maqalih in a recent article.

Al-Rubaa dismisses these allegations saying that he is open to criticizing everyone and he has already aired shows criticizing the new president, Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi, and even religious scholars.

Many Yemeni political satirists have focused primarily on raising awareness of injustice and questioning the status quo. The intent is mainly to provoke, shock, and make people question their reality.

Both Sharaf and al-Rubaa intend to continue their work in order to promote a new culture where criticism is accepted. “We need to break the custom that certain people are above criticism,” said Sharaf. “We don’t need any more idols. I draw this way to wake people up.”

Patriotic Criticism

This post is in response to some people’s comments regarding my criticism of aspects of the transitional government.  I was told by someone that my criticism is “accusatory, and will cause the state to fail”!  I am humbled by the power this person has given me, as I do not have the means to make the state fail or succeed, I wish I did. 

Let me start by saying that the transitional government has of course taken many positive steps including:

·      Finally giving employment contracts for waste collectors, which will reduce corruption and guarantee the workers their right to salaries.

·      Removing 20 generals and numerous governors from their posts.

·      Passing a decree to prevent phone tapping except through a court order.

·      Passing the access of information law in parliament. 

While these are positive steps, it does not mean that the government is perfect, no government is, and therefore no government is above criticism.  There are also many indications showing that while there have been positive moves; there are also many alarming signs that represent a continuation of the past. To name a few:

There has been no real break from the patronage system that many in government continue to benefit from.  Parliament announced that tribal Sheikhs will receive $60 million, which goes against the demands of building a modern civil state.  Youth leaders had articulated specific demands for a comprehensive change to the entire political structure, as a move away from the patronage system towards a modern civic state based on citizenship, justice, and rights. 

It is also disgraceful because the same state had initially informed waste collector employees that they cannot receive better wages and work conditions because the state budget cannot afford it, yet the next day announced that money will be given for the sheikhs! This was later resolved due to the continued strike of the laborers.

Drone strikes and air raids continue causing displacement and death of civilians, in addition to empowering militants by giving them a recruitment tool.  The CIA would like to expand the drone strikes in Yemen by launching strikes even when it does not know the identities of those who could be killed and only based on suspicious activities that could include carrying arms. 

There are no exact figures for the number of firearms in  Yemen, but unofficial estimates suggest that there are between 14 to 20 million privately owned firearms in the country (according to smallarmssuvey.org) for a population of 24 million.   Hence how will the Yemeni government and the U.S. administration differentiate between militants and armed civilians/tribesmen?

Many Yemenis only point fingers at the U.S. for the drone strikes, however the Yemeni government is equally responsible -if not more- for allowing the drones to continue.  If the Yemeni government calls against the drones, the U.S. will not be able to continue, as it will be a breach of Yemen’s sovereignty.  Of course the Yemeni government would lose most of the U.S. military and other financial aid if that happens, but isn’t that a risk worth taking in order to prevent the country from turning into a chaotic mess? 

Illegal detention continues, and many political prisoners have not been freed yet.  Torture cases have also been reported, a recent example is the torture of three southern movement activists by political security agents as reported by Aden Times.

Military restructuring of key generals needs to take place.  While the 20 generals have been removed, key military officials such as Ahmed Saleh, the son of the former President, his nephews Ammar and Yahya, and General Ali Mohsin are all still holding the same position.  Saying that things will take time, is not a sufficient excuse for us to continue demanding these changes. 

 I am a firm believer that any person in power can be corrupted, even those with the best intention.  The only way to prevent that from happening is to have strong institutions that act as watchdogs preventing that person from gaining ultimate power.  Since we don’t have these strong institutions in Yemen yet, it’s our duty as citizens and watchdog groups to be vocal when we see something wrong.  This puts pressure on the government to know that people are watching, people will speak out, and media will spread the word.

Unfortunately, some of the same pro-democracy activists who have struggled for freedom of expression during the revolution have changed and are today accusing individuals who criticize the government of being disloyal, unpatriotic, or spies working for Saleh.  This is troubling because it means that Hadi and the government have become an untouchable symbol, something we have long fought against.

Hadi and the government have done some positive steps, but there are also negative implications of their actions or lack of actions.  It doesn’t have to be “with him or against him”.  Statements like “we must support Hadi” should not imply that we can not analyze the activities of the government, or express our concerns when things are not done right.  We do not want another sacred entity, we need a government for the people and by the people.  This may be the reason why Hadi has reportedly ordered the removal of his photos and posters, an unprecedented and positive move. 

The main success of the revolution is that people felt FREE to speak out, and fear was finally broken.  We need to expand and build on this, not silence people once more.   We should not allow individuals to curb our right to speak, and we should always question our reality.  That is the only way for real change to happen in Yemen.

silence is death, الصمت هو الموت

الصمت هو الموت"

وأنت إن تكلمت ستموت

وإن سكت ستموت

 " إذاً تكلم ومت

- الطاهر جاوت

"Silence is death

And you, if you speak you die,

If you are silent you die, 

So, speak and die"
- Tahar Djaout

Armed clashes end, but consequences may last forever

Five-year old Ali and nine year old Safa’a are from Bani Jarmouz, near the capital, which has witnessed months of clashes between armed tribesmen and the military.  Due to these clashes, Ali and Safa’s family fled their home in May 2011.  Late February of this year, they returned home believing that everything was ok.    

Last week, the siblings were playing outside, and suddenly their mother heard an explosion.  She went out to look, and could not believe what she saw.  She immediately fainted.  The people in the neighborhood jumped to the scene, some carrying the wounded bodies of the two children, and others carried the mother inside the house.

Safa'a Mohammed Luqman, 9 years old

When Safa’a and Ali were playing, their small feet touched either a shell that had not previously exploded or a mine.  The mother did not know what it was, and said no experts have gone to the area to check.  

The children are now in a hospital in Sana’a because no such facilities exist in their area.  When I asked Safa’a what do you wish for, tears rolled down her face and all she could say was “everything hurts.”  I could not ask Ali the same question because he was still in a coma.

Ali Mohammed Luqman, 5 years old

Long after the perceived silence, innocent people continue to suffer the consequences of armed clashes.  There are many more mines and shells waiting to explode.  In addition to removing barricades and tanks from streets, the military committee must also focus on serious concerns of shells and mines hidden in various places throughout the country.  It is the responsibility of all sides to remove these mines and shells from civilian areas. 

Opposition divided over voting or boycotting the “election”

The opposition is divided between the desire to vote or boycott the uncontested “election” today.  The opposition party coalition the Joint Meeting Party (JMP) has also been divided over the election.  Officially they have called on their members to vote, but  some members decided to boycott the election. Religious scholars, tribesmen, independent youth activists, and members of civil society are also divided on the election.

While the majority of people recognize the obvious flaws in the uncontested election many, especially in the capital Sana’a, have decided to nevertheless vote.  Their reasons to vote vary and include the following: 

•  Individuals who believe that the election marks a historic day as it will officially announce the end of Saleh’s 33 year rule.
• Individuals who voted not necessarily for Hadi, but more for the belief in the transitional period.  Their vote was a symbol of hope for a new Yemen.
• Others are voting to give legitimacy to the new president Hadi, hoping his votes will exceed four million, which was the number of votes Saleh received in the last presidential elections in 2006. 
• Some citizens were mislead to believe if Hadi does not get enough votes, Saleh will literarlly return to rule, i.e he will become the Preisdent again. (based on the GCC implementing mechanism, this is impossible as Saleh has already signed that Hadi is the next president).
• Other citizens are voting because of a belief that their vote would not necessarily solve future problems, but at least prevent violent clashes that may turn to a war.

Not everyone agrees with the above ideas, and hence national protests against the “election” took place on  Monday February 20, one day before the elections.  Songs calling to boycott the elections and posters against the “appointment” were distributed.

Those who advocate a boycott of the “election” consist of three main categories of people: independent youth members who outright oppose any political process including negotiations with the ruling party.  Hence they reject the GCC implementing mechanism in its entirety including the transitional government and the “election.”

The two most powerful resistance entities the Houthis and the Southern Secessionists have outright rejected the elections.  The Southern secessionists see the elections as a vote for maintaining Northern/Southern unity which many are against. The Houthis have rejected the elections as an extension of their rejection for the GCC.

Finally, independent youth groups who believe in a political process and agree that a transition period is necessary.  In fact they may agree that Hadi should lead, but will nevertheless boycott the election.

The reasons for the boycott vary from person to person, but include mainly the following:

• Individuals who believe the street is what delegitimized the previous government and it is the street that will provide the legitimacy not the ballot box.   
• While the election represents the end of Saleh’s 33 presidency, it does not represent the end of the regime.  Changing personalities in a structure that remains the same will mean that no change will happen.
• The belief that the hype on the election is a means to distract people from the real reform that needs to take place including military, judicial and constitutional reform.  Saleh’s son, nephews and relatives still hold high positions in the military.  While the GCC stipulates that a military reshuffling will take place after the election, some people doubt Hadi’s ability to truly advocate for such reforms.
• Some individuals believe it should have been called an appointment, rather than an election.  It was already stated in the GCC that Hadi is going to rule the country, so an announcement of his appointment for a transitional period would have been the more honest approach.  This is not just a case of semantics, but more about building trust between citizens and the new government.
• Millions of dollars should not have been spent on “monitoring” an uncontested election when there are other more pressing priorities in the country, including a humanitarian crisis.  While many state that this amount of money is not as large as other countries receive, it would have made a significant impact on those who cannot find food, shelter, or health care.

I personally fall in the latter group.  While as a graduate of international relations, I wholeheartedly believe that a political process is necessary and a transitional period is vital for peace and stability in Yemen, nevertheless this election is quite a disappointment for me.  The ballot today had one name, do we really want to start a new Yemen with a flawed process? 

In short, I will not vote because I believe we deserve better.  I believe in democracy, and I know this is not it.  Elections are not democracy, they are just one component of a democratic process.  The real moment of celebration for me will be when military restructuring, and judicial and constitutional reforms actually take place as a step towards independent institutions.  Of course things will take time, but we need to remember what we went out to the street for: real systematic change not just Saleh’s removal from power.

What is next for Yemen?

President Hadi has a very difficult job ahead to satisfy popular demands.  The hungry want to eat, students and the unemployed want jobs, businessmen want a better economy, and everyone wants electricity and water.

In addition, national reconciliation is of utmost importance.  The Southern issue and the Houthi rebellion in the North, must be urgently addressed.  The main question will be President Hadi’s ability to deal with national reconciliation, given that both groups have boycotted the election? What legitimacy will he have in their eyes? He has extended an open had to them, and promised to address their issues, but how can they have faith in that when their grievances about the election were completely ignored?

Of course the transitional government’s job, like the expectations is immense.  The people of Yemen must also work hard to advocate for their rights.  Today’s “election” is only the beginning.  While the GCC implementing mechanism does not represent total change, it however has many articles that activists can use to push for real reform.  Activists will need to become watchdogs and use what is in the GCC to their advantage.  Without further reforms it will be as if no revolution had taken place because the regime has not fallen.

We are not the citizens of the past who were frozen by fear.  We are an awakened street worthy of real change and we will continue to demand it

Yemen: No Spring Without Women

Published on Al Akhbar English ( http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/yemen-no-spring-without-women) on Tuesday, February 14, 2012

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Wooden wall separating the men and women’s section near the stage, 27 January 2012. (Photo: Atiaf Alwazir)

In February 2011, Umm Hashim, a 45-year-old mother and resident of Yemen’s capital Sanaa was glued to her television. For hours she watched the opposition channel Suhail broadcast images of injured protesters being rushed into the makeshift field hospital in Change Square. As tears rolled down her face, she vowed to go to Change Square and help in any way she could. Today, one year later, Umm Hashim has become one of the managers of the field hospital in Change Square who administers volunteers and checks on the medical supplies.

Women, a force in the revolution

Umm Hashim is not the only woman volunteer in Change Square. Thousands of women have actively participated in the revolution as protesters, leaders, volunteers, and supporters. Women are giving their time through volunteering in various committees, providing monetary donations, leading marches, cooking food for the protesters, supporting their spouses in the squares, and most significantly giving their life for a new Yemen.

In some instances, women’s participation challenged cultural taboos. In a country where reputation is at the heart of many cultural practices, women of the revolution began challenging some of these traditions by sleeping at the square. Traditionally it is not accepted for women to sleep outside their home without a guardian. A handful of female protesters and volunteers at the medical committee spent many nights in change square without their male guardians.

Another interesting change is the acceptance of Tawakkul Karman’s photo in public places. In a society where a woman’s appearance is not commonly seen on large billboards (with the exclusion of television and business advertisements), the Nobel peace prize winner and Islah member’s photo has spread throughout change square. Her image has become a new fashion brand. Tawakkul mugs, posters, clocks, pens, and key chains are sold in various corners of the square. In the midst of a male qat chew, tough traditional men chew in a tent decorated by her photo. This symbolism represents the baby steps women are taking to regain full equality and recognition in society.

Man proudly “wears” Tawakkul Karman’s photo. (Photo: Benjamin Wiacek)

For some, like Nadia, a 22-year-old volunteer in Change Square, this type of participation in the public sphere is their first. “In the early days of the revolution, my father told me that I was not allowed to go to Change Square, so I began sneaking out of the house without letting him know. I had a strong conviction that participating in the revolution is my Islamic duty. After a month, my father found out about my participation, but allowed me to continue going and said he was proud of me,” she explained.

Tawakkul Karman’s image has become a new fashion brand.

 

For other women such as Umm Khaled Al-Hamdani, a 35-year-old mother, her participation was life changing. She promised to continue volunteering as a way to give back to the community even after the revolution is over.
It is important however, not to take what we see on the surface as an indication of a cultural revolution. One cannot romanticize these personalized gains nor confuse them with something greater, unless the women’s movement will capitalize on them and push them further.

Instead, a deeper examination of women’s rights is necessary. While some very basic cultural taboos have been challenged or questioned, none of the major cultural practices that stand in the way of women’s rights were addressed. These include the selective use of religion to exclude women and the politicization of women’s rights.

In addition, deep rooted cultural beliefs will take years to transform. For example, some men have proudly accepted women’s participation and have showed a great deal of admiration for the women leaders of the revolution, while many feel the need to define them as “manly” in order to accept their leadership positions. Many male supporters of Karman or Boushra Al-Maqatary feel the need to describe them using masculine terminology, stating that they are “more manly than 1,000 men.”

Patriarchy continues in the square
After former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s infamous speech denouncing the mixing of men and women, the people in the square were instantly divided on reaction methods. Certain elements in the movement reacted by “proving” that mixing does not occur in the square, something that is factually incorrect. A popular song blasted in the square called Saleh a “liar, liar” for accusing the protesters of mixing.
Others, wanted to show that there is nothing wrong with mixed marches, and attempted to do that the next day. Some of these women were then beaten by members of the square's organizational committee (controlled by Islah hardliners) and assisted by some military personnel from the First Armored Brigade, who had joined the protesters and vowed to provide protection.

None of the Islah leadership condemned the attacks and physical beating of the female activists, but when Karman won the Nobel Peace Prize, the Islah party used her prize in their political campaigns as an example of their promotion of women’s rights. Time and time again, women’s rights proved to be a political tool used by both the opposition and the ruling party with no real promotion of women’s agenda.

Deep rooted cultural beliefs will take years to transform.

 

The selective use of religion to exclude women has not been publicly questioned or debated to the extent necessary. Recently, some Imams resorted to the use of takfir against Boushra al-Maktary, novelist and activist who lead the peaceful march from Taiz city to Sanaa, after an article she published titled “First Year Revolution.” The Imams along with some hardliners began a campaign against her via mosque sermons, articles tarnishing her reputation, death threats, and a march to her house condemning her actions. Given Boushra’s declared socialist leanings, some hardliners found her liberal background to be an easy target. This illustrates that women from a liberal background face numerous challenges not only from the state, but also from religious institutions. 

 On the other hand, Imams on the stage of Change Square encouraged more women to join the revolution. “You do not need the permission of your husband or father to come to the square, because this is a struggle for justice” said one Imam on stage.

However, on two different occasions, a different Imam prohibited women from marching. “My dear sisters, today is a male march, it is your duty to stay inside and protect the tents,” he said. Of course not all Imams on stage were negative towards women’s rights. Many other Imams encouraged women’s participation, and recited various stories of active women in Islamic history. Nevertheless, it is important to remember that both hardliners and progressive religious scholars are present and both have openly addressed women’s issues from their own different perspectives.

The stage where these speeches are made is placed in the heart of the square, serving also as the media hub. As a result it is at the epicenter of internal conflict between independents and Islah hardliners controlling it. Numerous disagreements arose but with time and constant negotiations, compromises were made. What was not negotiated was the segregation between men and women in the area surrounding the stage.

At first there was no barrier between women and men near the stage. On March 8, when women celebrated international women’s day, men and women were seated near each other with only a human barrier to separate them.

Men and women sitting side by side near the stage in change square, 25 Feb 2011. (Photo: Atiaf Alwazir)

With time, the human barrier was replaced by a thin blue rope to separate the women’s section, then a blue curtain and eventually a wooden wall and a metal door.

Curtain separating the men and women’s section near the stage, 10 May 2011. (Photo: Atiaf Alwazir)

While some women protested this “cage,” others believed it was not the time to struggle against it. One female women’s rights activist from Aden said that protesting against this cage was not a priority when people are dying, adding, “It’s not the time to complain about this wall, it would be too petty of us to do so now.”

Spring or Winter?
There is no doubt that women’s participation was a leading factor in the movement. This however does not mean that taking part in the protests has led to greater participation in social and organized political life. The revolution alone has not been the remedy for women’s exclusion from society as many media and experts claim.

As is exemplified by the low number of women in the “national unity government,” if women do not push for a stronger women’s agenda, they may in fact take a backseat in the future. In that case, the gains made in the revolution may become peripheries in the long run.

Women lost a golden opportunity in the past year to turn these political calls into a true cultural revolution, but there is still an opportunity to guarantee legal rights in the transitional period. This realization has pushed activists to hold events such as the march entitled “no spring without women” and to work together for the national women’s conference in order to set a unified agenda on priorities for the next two years.
Women have an opportunity to guarantee their rights through legal reforms by capitalizing on the vague and general stipulations in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) initiative. The GCC only stated that women should be represented “appropriately” in the national unity government. But, it also stated that women should be part of all the committees formed including the military, GCC initiative, communication, constitutional, and national dialogue committees.

Women should also make use of United Nations Security Council Resolution 2014. This resolution calls “upon all concerned parties to ensure the protection of women and children, to improve women’s participation in conflict resolution and encourages all parties to facilitate the equal and full participation of women at decision-making levels.” Yemeni women should also take advantage of the international conventions signed and ratified by Yemen as references for equal participation between men and women.

The interplay between current government actors, tribal and religious leaders, and members of the women’s movement, and the extent of the movement’ ability to use this window of opportunity to advocate for its interests will determine whether a real spring will flourish in Yemen.

Who knew that France and Yemen are so similar?

As someone who has lived between both the "east" and the "west", I often find it easy to adapt and connect to both worlds.  However, when I went to France this time, it was more difficult to quickly adapt.  That is most likely because I flew from revolutionary Yemen with no water, no electricity, and mass protests, to France with hot showers, 24 hours of internet and no gun shots.  What made me feel more disoriented, was the fact that I was listening to Yemeni music while visiting rural France.

So in an attempt to "connect" I tried to focus on the similiarities we share rather than the obvious differences.  The following is a list of 10 similarities that I found between Yemen and France.  It's not supposed to be taken seriously, so please excuse the generalizations I made.

Pride in national products: both are obsessed with their national products, always discussing them in every occasion they get.  The French with their wine and cheese.  Yemenis with the Qat & coffee.

Importance of la famille: family is important to both, but the definition of family in Yemen extends to a larger group of people.  My relatives from the seventh grandfather are considered my "cousins".  


Spending hours doing "nothing": both French and Yemenis enjoy spending hours talking, talking and talking.  Yemenis chew and talk, the French go to cafes and do the same.  This cultural habit proves useful in enjoying life and creating strong friendships and social exchanges.

Amazing architecture: while the architectural style is completely different, both have absolutely stunning historic buildings.

Architecture of old Sana'a, Yemen

"It's just the way we speak!": if you do not speak Arabic, hearing Yemenis talk might make you think they're always fighting.  That's because we often shout out people's names in public and talk in a very loud voice.  However, this should not be confused with being mad, it's just a way of speaking.  Similiarly, if you do not speak French and just focus on the nonverbal actions of the French such as the constant shrugs, you will think they are quite upset.  This thought will be more believable because of the many "huffs" & "boff's" they use in the conversation.  So for an outsider who doesn't speak French it will sound like this: "adfadfdsf ahh boff...asdfadf huff asdfadf ah non! adfadfasfd (add shrug) etc.  The reality is, they're not necessarily mad it's just the way they speak.


Political correctness, what's that? both Yemenis and French are very expressive about their opinions, not feeling the need to sugar coat anything or to try to be politically correct.  When you look shocked at what was said, the response is often: "what? we are just being honest!".

The love for kissing: Yemenis kiss on the cheek to say hello and goodbye, women kiss women, and men kiss men.  The French on the other hand kiss everyone and all the time.

English music everywhere: early 90's American songs are heard blasting in various shops in both countries.

Dinner is ready (photo taken in Lille, France)

Importance of aesthetics: in both countries, lots of importance is placed on the aesthetics during the most important part of the day.  Yemenis must have good comfortable cozy places for qat chewing and are quite creative in turning any place into a comfortable chewing spot.  The French on the other hand also need good ambiance for the sacred dinner. 

Importance of food: the food industry is very important to both countries.  Lunch for Yemenis and dinner for the French is very important. Yemenis however, spend a LOONG time cooking, and then eat the food in just 15 - 30 minutes.  French food often takes a shorter time to prepare, but eating takes between two to three hours.  People in both countries get extremely disappointed when you say you are "full" and can not eat anymore.


We can always find similarities anywhere we go, because despite the differences we have, we all share humanity in common.  At the same time, we should appreciate the differences because they make the world an exciting place to live.  Without them, the world will be such a boring place.