First published in Aljazeera English
In 2011, the colorful tents of Change Square flourished with hope and a dream of a dignified life. Three years later, like the tents, hope of regime change has disappeared for many independent revolutionaries.
While many positive steps have been taken in the past three years, including the official removal of former President Ali Abdullah Saleh from power, the creation of a transitional unity government, and the completion of the National Dialogue Conference (NDC), a complete break with the past is yet to be seen.
On February 21, 2012 on the first anniversary of the Yemeni Revolution, an uncontested "election" brought Saleh's vice president to power, based on the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)'s power transfer agreement. This deal, signed on November 23, 2011, was a great blow to the independent revolutionaries, as it empowered traditional forces over those calling for radical change and cosmetically addressed their demands.
In 2011, prior to this agreement, the regime, that had once neglected the youth, was forced to interact with them, due to their street power, which expanded political bargaining beyond the traditional political elite. Yet the GCC blocked this process, emphasising instead traditional patronage politics.
Business as usual
The demands of the street extended beyond the removal of the president to include comprehensive change to the entire political structure, which has been the cause of marginalisation. Many independent youth felt that the traditional opposition figures who worked side by side with the old regime do not believe in real change and have co-opted the revolution for personal and political gains.
Creating a national unity government, while politically a positive move, meant that both traditional opposition and former ruling party members are in charge of government positions, transpiring in recruitment of government employees based on party loyalties rather than expertise. This marginalised a number of independent qualified technocrats, leaving management of many ministries to those who had no proper knowledge and blocking any reform of government institution, which is a necessary step to break away from the past.
Furthermore, the 2014 budget [Ar] allocated $11.3m to the Tribes' Affairs Authority, which will be spent on monthly salaries for tribal leaders. In comparison, as the Yemen Times highlighted, the budget projected for Yemen's Coast Guard Authority is $7.2m.
The fact that this line item remains in the budget post-revolution demonstrates that the transitional government is not keen on moving away from the patronage system towards a modern civic state on the basis of equal citizenship, social justice, and a plural political system.
According to a Parliamentary report [Ar], the same budget did not allocate any funds for the implementation of the NDC recommendations. This has made it difficult for people to trust the government's political will to move forward with the decisions.
The NDC brought together 565 members from various backgrounds; seven percent of the seats were allocated to independent youth. The 300-page NDC recommendations [Ar] are significant, and emphasize revolutionary demands of equal citizenship and justice. For example, The forth recommendation of the state-building working group states, "All citizens shall be equal in rights and duties before the law, without distinction based on sex, race, origin, colour, religion, sect, doctrine, opinion, or economic or social standing." Yet the fear is that such recommednations will remain simply ink on paper, and like many laws in Yemen will not be implemented.
While NDC members claimed that these recommendations are "binding", there is no legislative provision that obliges either the government or the outdated parliament to carry them out.
In fact, many do not believe that these recommendations will in fact be implemented, pointing to the "20 points" as an example. Prior to the start of the NDC, the technical committee created to organise the NDC publically recommended a list of 20 points that are meant to rebuild trust between the South, the Houthis, and the government. This was supposed to be completed prior to the NDC, yet even after the end of the NDC, only a few of these points have been implemented. This begs the question: If these simple 20 points cannot be implemented, what will become of the remaining 300 page worth of recommendations?
Another example of lack of implementation lies in the absence of proper compensation for the injured revolutionaries. Despite a presidential decree ordering their treatment, many of them have been neglected and the government has provided little financial and medical support for them.
On February 9 Abdul Jabar al-Namer, a protester who was shot in the stomach in 2011 died waiting to travel abroad for further medical treatment. Unhappy with this situation, the youth have staged numerous protests and demonstrations in support of their injured fellows, and some of the wounded have gone on hunger strikes. Despite promises to address the situation, no serious action has yet been taken. To date, four lawsuits have been filed by injured revolutionaries and their families, yet there has been no change in the status quo.
Increasing violence
Although the presidential decrees aimed at restructuring the military were bold in their gaols, personal loyalties still control the army. In fact, Human Rights Watch reported that President Hadi informed them that "a general issue with the Yemeni military is that each brigade is formed from the same tribe." In his words, it is impossible to "remove a commander who commits an abuse because the commander will simply reject the decision and the brigade will stand by him."
This might explain why the committee setup by President Hadi to investigate the military attack on a funeral of a member of the Southern Movement in al-Dali last December has not yet provided any explanation or charged anyone. This lack of accountability is a natural consequence of the immunity law that provided protection for members of the former regime and enshrined this culture of impunity.
Violence by security institutions has continued against peaceful protesters, even on the anniversary of President Hadi's "election". On February 21, security forces shot at a large rally in Aden where peopledemonstrated against the outcomes of the NDC and called for secession. At the same time in the North, violent clashes between the Houthis, Salafis and tribal militias have persisted over the past months.
The NDC clearly did not succeed in addressing the main issues in the South or in the North.
There is no doubt that real change will take many years, yet the foundations need to be built correctly. With no real reform of government institutions, no rule of law, deteriorating economy and a catastrophic humanitarian situation, conflicts throughout Yemen have dramatically increased. Three years after the Yemeni revolution, we are left asking ourselves: Can the Yemen model really succeed? And can there be peace without justice?
Saturday, February 22, 2014
Tuesday, February 11, 2014
Yemen: Transition and turmoil Three years after the revolution,
Guess appearance on the Stream discussing:
how can the country deal with concerns over stability and security?
how can the country deal with concerns over stability and security?
Friday, January 3, 2014
The birth and death of cinema in Aden
This article was first published in Aljazeera English
Every day, Mohammed Afeef, a native of Aden, skipped out on lunch at school, and saved his daily allowance in order to go to Regal cinema - later named Shahinaz cinema- at the end of the week.
Along with his friend, Mohammed took a bus to watch a film every week. "It was best to arrive early, or else we would have to sit crammed near the ventilators," he remembered. To go back home they had to walk 10 kilometres because there was no public transportation at night. "It was definitely worth it," he added with a grin.
Forty years later, Shahinaz cinema, where Mohammed spent some of his best childhood memories, is now closed along with 46 other cinemas nationwide. Only three cinemas remain partially open to young working class men, where they occasionally show live soccer matches, Bollywood or old Hollywood movies from a projector.
Good old days
This went in sharp contrast to the latest Egyptian movies that used to be screened. Famous actors like Farid al-Atrash or Abdulhalim Hafiz appeared on the screens of Aden's cinemas at the same time they appeared in Cairo. In fact, in the mid-1970s the controversial Egyptian movie "al-Asfour", censored in Cairo, was screened in a film festival in Aden.
Mohammed Hamood Al-Hashimi is credited with bringing cinema to Aden and to the region. He began this venture in 1910 by screening mobile shows for a "silent" cinema in the Tawahi district, making Charlie Chaplin a popular figure in Aden. His legacy continued and one of his children, Taha Hamood, "Master Hamood" as he was called, is credited with opening the first cinema on the Arabian Peninsula named Hurricane - after a British aircraft - followed by three other cinemas: Radio Cinema with a facade of an old radio; al-Shariqiyah, andal-Jadidah or New Cinema - named after a well-known cinema in India.
Slowly cinemas spread to the rest of Yemen's southern and eastern provinces, as well as to North Yemen. By the 1950s and 1960s North and South Yemen were home to 49 cinemas. Both men and women used to attend film screenings, and it was a favourite family outing. During this golden era, female artists - such as Sabah Munser, and Fathia Alsagheera - also rose to fame.
By the mid-1990s, most cinemas had closed down. The once packed Hurricane now only has 10 to 15 customers a day, who pay 150 Yemeni Riyals to watch movies from a DVD and a projector. Gone are the days when attending the cinema was an important event, where women and men dressed up as if they were going to a party. Hoping to maintain this cultural hub, Hamood's family renovated the building to make it suitable for theatre production. It has since shown a number of popular plays.
Once known as "Steamer Point" during Aden's time as a British colony; today, passing by the district of Tawahi, with its neglected buildings, and closed down shops, it is difficult to imagine this area as a point of entry for merchants, tourists and cultural exchanges. The New cinema still stands strong in the midst of this changing district, but devoid of its spirit and content. It has been transformed into a multi-purpose wedding hall on the second floor, and a shopping centre on the lower floor. While they cater mostly to weddings, they are also happy to rent it out to those interested in showing movies or to show theatre programmes.
Decline of art
There are many reasons for the decline of the cinema: political, economic and social. Politically, the change in governments impacted the promotion of the arts. When the Socialist government came to power in South Yemen, the General Association for Cinema was created, and many cinemas were nationalised. The Association had the role of importing the latest films, and distributing them at a low price. Film festivals were conducted, and a state-led effort to promote the arts began.
After unification of the North and South in 1990, some of the previously nationalised cinemas were returned to the original owners, and others remained part of the state. The owners could no longer afford to buy the movie rights directly, as the association was not active in importing movies. The new government had no interest in promoting the arts, and the role of the association was eliminated. Today, nothing is known about the budget of this association, and where the money is allocated.
In addition, the political conflict in the early 1990s led to the empowerment of conservative elements, emphasising that the genre is incompatible with family values and immediately turned against the art culture of Aden. As writer Abdulqader Sabri said, "In their eyes it is haram [forbidden], in the eyes of the moderates a 'shame' and in the best case scenario, it is a waste of money."
This has led to threats against cinema owners, not only from conservative elements, but also from speculators who wish to take over the land. Hamood's family wrote an open letter [Ar] to the government in 2012, asking for protection from constant threats by armed men to confiscate cinema Hurricane. The government should not only protect this historic monument, but also encourage the owners to maintain and renovate it. According to local artists, the government has so far provided no aid whatsoever to cinema owners, in fact it has become an obstacle in their way, through corrupt tax collectors, and the constant monitoring of government employees.
New frontiers
Hamood's grandchild, Lutfi, an elegant man in his 50s, also added another reason for the decline of the cinema industry. "Satellite dishes have ruined us," he said while sitting in the cinema- turned-wedding hall. "In the past, if one wanted to watch a movie, they had to go to the cinema, today, they can watch any movie from their home and pay very little for it," he added. The proliferation of electronic media and the internet have also contributed to the disappearances of cinemas in Yemen.
At the same time, some amateur artists believe that the internet has had a reverse impact on them, allowing them to showcase their work to the world. In the absence of proper cinemas, the internet became their arena, and world citizens their audience.
The reality today is that movies, either as institutions of production or as cinema houses, are absent in Yemen's cultural scene. To fill this gap and thirst for art, groups like Khaleej Aden theatre produces plays; and some NGOs screen movies in their offices. In addition, a group of youth are working on a broad campaign to re-open and reinvigorate Yemen's public and private movie theaters.
The government needs to encourage such activities, but others should share the responsibility. When cinema is produced solely with government money, it is propaganda, closer to a political statement than art itself. Cinema needs investment, risk, and freedom to thrive. It is, therefore, important for the private sector and civil society to also take an active interest in promoting the arts.
One might argue that it is too early to discuss culture and art in time of conflict, since it appears as an unnecessary luxury. Yet, it is precisely because Yemen is at a transitional period facing a number of conflicts that art becomes important and necessary.
The more tense the political situation becomes, the greater the need for debate, dialogue and reflection. Cinema and art offer that open space.
Every day, Mohammed Afeef, a native of Aden, skipped out on lunch at school, and saved his daily allowance in order to go to Regal cinema - later named Shahinaz cinema- at the end of the week.
Along with his friend, Mohammed took a bus to watch a film every week. "It was best to arrive early, or else we would have to sit crammed near the ventilators," he remembered. To go back home they had to walk 10 kilometres because there was no public transportation at night. "It was definitely worth it," he added with a grin.
Forty years later, Shahinaz cinema, where Mohammed spent some of his best childhood memories, is now closed along with 46 other cinemas nationwide. Only three cinemas remain partially open to young working class men, where they occasionally show live soccer matches, Bollywood or old Hollywood movies from a projector.
Good old days
This went in sharp contrast to the latest Egyptian movies that used to be screened. Famous actors like Farid al-Atrash or Abdulhalim Hafiz appeared on the screens of Aden's cinemas at the same time they appeared in Cairo. In fact, in the mid-1970s the controversial Egyptian movie "al-Asfour", censored in Cairo, was screened in a film festival in Aden.
Mohammed Hamood Al-Hashimi is credited with bringing cinema to Aden and to the region. He began this venture in 1910 by screening mobile shows for a "silent" cinema in the Tawahi district, making Charlie Chaplin a popular figure in Aden. His legacy continued and one of his children, Taha Hamood, "Master Hamood" as he was called, is credited with opening the first cinema on the Arabian Peninsula named Hurricane - after a British aircraft - followed by three other cinemas: Radio Cinema with a facade of an old radio; al-Shariqiyah, andal-Jadidah or New Cinema - named after a well-known cinema in India.
Slowly cinemas spread to the rest of Yemen's southern and eastern provinces, as well as to North Yemen. By the 1950s and 1960s North and South Yemen were home to 49 cinemas. Both men and women used to attend film screenings, and it was a favourite family outing. During this golden era, female artists - such as Sabah Munser, and Fathia Alsagheera - also rose to fame.
By the mid-1990s, most cinemas had closed down. The once packed Hurricane now only has 10 to 15 customers a day, who pay 150 Yemeni Riyals to watch movies from a DVD and a projector. Gone are the days when attending the cinema was an important event, where women and men dressed up as if they were going to a party. Hoping to maintain this cultural hub, Hamood's family renovated the building to make it suitable for theatre production. It has since shown a number of popular plays.
Once known as "Steamer Point" during Aden's time as a British colony; today, passing by the district of Tawahi, with its neglected buildings, and closed down shops, it is difficult to imagine this area as a point of entry for merchants, tourists and cultural exchanges. The New cinema still stands strong in the midst of this changing district, but devoid of its spirit and content. It has been transformed into a multi-purpose wedding hall on the second floor, and a shopping centre on the lower floor. While they cater mostly to weddings, they are also happy to rent it out to those interested in showing movies or to show theatre programmes.
Decline of art
There are many reasons for the decline of the cinema: political, economic and social. Politically, the change in governments impacted the promotion of the arts. When the Socialist government came to power in South Yemen, the General Association for Cinema was created, and many cinemas were nationalised. The Association had the role of importing the latest films, and distributing them at a low price. Film festivals were conducted, and a state-led effort to promote the arts began.
After unification of the North and South in 1990, some of the previously nationalised cinemas were returned to the original owners, and others remained part of the state. The owners could no longer afford to buy the movie rights directly, as the association was not active in importing movies. The new government had no interest in promoting the arts, and the role of the association was eliminated. Today, nothing is known about the budget of this association, and where the money is allocated.
In addition, the political conflict in the early 1990s led to the empowerment of conservative elements, emphasising that the genre is incompatible with family values and immediately turned against the art culture of Aden. As writer Abdulqader Sabri said, "In their eyes it is haram [forbidden], in the eyes of the moderates a 'shame' and in the best case scenario, it is a waste of money."
This has led to threats against cinema owners, not only from conservative elements, but also from speculators who wish to take over the land. Hamood's family wrote an open letter [Ar] to the government in 2012, asking for protection from constant threats by armed men to confiscate cinema Hurricane. The government should not only protect this historic monument, but also encourage the owners to maintain and renovate it. According to local artists, the government has so far provided no aid whatsoever to cinema owners, in fact it has become an obstacle in their way, through corrupt tax collectors, and the constant monitoring of government employees.
New frontiers
Hamood's grandchild, Lutfi, an elegant man in his 50s, also added another reason for the decline of the cinema industry. "Satellite dishes have ruined us," he said while sitting in the cinema- turned-wedding hall. "In the past, if one wanted to watch a movie, they had to go to the cinema, today, they can watch any movie from their home and pay very little for it," he added. The proliferation of electronic media and the internet have also contributed to the disappearances of cinemas in Yemen.
At the same time, some amateur artists believe that the internet has had a reverse impact on them, allowing them to showcase their work to the world. In the absence of proper cinemas, the internet became their arena, and world citizens their audience.
The reality today is that movies, either as institutions of production or as cinema houses, are absent in Yemen's cultural scene. To fill this gap and thirst for art, groups like Khaleej Aden theatre produces plays; and some NGOs screen movies in their offices. In addition, a group of youth are working on a broad campaign to re-open and reinvigorate Yemen's public and private movie theaters.
The government needs to encourage such activities, but others should share the responsibility. When cinema is produced solely with government money, it is propaganda, closer to a political statement than art itself. Cinema needs investment, risk, and freedom to thrive. It is, therefore, important for the private sector and civil society to also take an active interest in promoting the arts.
One might argue that it is too early to discuss culture and art in time of conflict, since it appears as an unnecessary luxury. Yet, it is precisely because Yemen is at a transitional period facing a number of conflicts that art becomes important and necessary.
The more tense the political situation becomes, the greater the need for debate, dialogue and reflection. Cinema and art offer that open space.
Tuesday, December 10, 2013
Reclaiming our public sphere - Enough Harassment!
I recently arrived in Tunis to attend a training course. On the first day, we finished at 7 pm. I went to my room to finish a paper but I couldn't sit in front of the computer after such an intense day, so I decided to go out and walk around for a bit.
I was having a nice walk in a main open road, enjoying the refreshing weather. Then, a young man passed me and was a bit too close to me, so I moved quickly in a panic, and as he passed by I laughed at my paranoid action. Why was I so jumpy I asked myself?! Then I wondered if it had something to do with the last time I visited this beautiful city.
In June, I was here on a very short work trip. After lunch, I had to go back to the office, located on the fourth floor of a downtown building. As I stepped out of the elevator I began walking through the double doors, to reach the office. Before I got to the door, a man happened to be there and asked me where something was, I told him I didn't know. Then I began walking away, but I felt a hand on my shoulder. I turned around, and as I did that, he came very close to me, and started yelling at me to shut up, then he pushed me towards the wall, where he cornered me and tried to kiss me.
I panicked, froze, but managed to push him away, while thinking to myself, "maybe this is not the right floor, what if no one is here, who is going to hear me if he rapes me!!" This made me panic even more.
I wanted to scream, I wanted to yell, but words wouldn't come out.
I don't know how long this lasted, probably five minutes, but it felt like a lifetime.
Eventually, I managed to raise my voice, somehow pushing him away, and he left. Slowly, I walked towards the door, and with a shaking hand opened it.
At the office, people noticed my shocked and pale face. We wanted to file a police report, but figured it was pointless and I didn't have much time there (in retrospect, I think I still should've). Instead, we told the guard of the building, and asked him to keep an eye out.
Anyway, it seems that this incident was what caused me to panic as that man passed by me; so realizing that, I smiled, because I was happy that this story didn't prevent me from going out in a new city alone.
Moments later - only in a coincidence that only seems to happen in the movies- another man passed by in the sidewalk. This time, I was sure nothing will happen, but from a bit far, I saw that the man was beginning to move closer to my side of the sidewalk; I told myself that I'm imagining, but he kept coming closer until he was close enough to say something, and touched my ass!
My heart started racing, and I sped off, without turning back until five minutes later when I found him standing far away.
I was so upset that I didn't yell or slap him.
Why did I let him make me feel uncomfortable?
why did I let him own this public street?
Florence + the Machine's song popped in my head:
"You hit me once, I hit you back
You gave a kick
I gave a slap"
but, that didn't happen. I didn't hit, kick or slap. I just walked away upset with myself.
Logically, I know I shouldn't be harsh on myself, and should only be upset with these men, but a part of me can't help but be upset about my own reaction as well.
It infuriates me that these incidents happen too often. We are told to ignore it, and we are encouraged not to talk or write about it, because if we do, then people will ask us what we did, or what we were wearing to merit such actions!
The truth is, sexual harassment happens everywhere, and can happen anywhere. These incidents occur in many countries throughout the world. At this point, I don't want to theorize or analyze these incidents, I just wrote this to let off steam, and to remind men that they don't own the public sphere. It's time for us to reclaim it.
Enough is enough!!!
Friday, October 18, 2013
Yemeni Delegation Arrives in the U.S. to Train on Dialogue Process
 |
| Meeting between Yemeni President Hadi and U.S. President Obama to discuss mutual cooperation between both allies (Photo credit: The White House) |
WASHINGTON: A U.N. Special Envoy arrived in Washington
today to help a country on the brink of chaos.
The delegation, composed of Special Adviser to Secretary-General on
Yemen, Jamal Benomar, along with Yemeni experts and tribal
leaders, will share their knowledge on dialogue and conflict resolution.
“Given our ongoing support to Yemen, we believe it’s
only fair that the Yemenis help us with the technical assistance; that we in
fact paid for.” said State Department Deputy Secretary John Smith.
The
US recently ended the government
shutdown from October 1 – 17, after Congress failed to enact legislation
for appropriations for fiscal year 2014.
The 16 day shutdown is the third longest in U.S. history.
During
the shutdown, about 800,000 federal employees were indefinitely furloughed, another
1.3 million were required to report to work without known payment dates, and
many services such as the post offices, and park services were suspended or
curtailed. Analysts
at IHS Global Insight calculated that it knocked $300 million a day off US
economic output.
Based
on Yemen’s reported successful National Dialogue
process, the Yemeni delegation will train their American counterparts on
how to create an inclusive national dialogue process that engages both the
Democrats and the Republicans, in addition to representatives from the Texas Nationalist Movement and the Alaskan
Independent party, in an intense and long discussion on important topics. The main issues to be discussed will include
healthcare, gun control, military spending, women’s rights, and also unresolved
historic grievances threatening the unity of the country, since the civil war
between the north and the south, in the 19th century.
Secretary Smith had previously praised Yemen's
democratic transition and national dialogue conference, a process where the U.S. spent $10.5 million in assistance.
Given
the bleak economic conditions of the U.S. today, it is highly likely that the
U.N. will secure a trust fund to support the U.S. national dialogue
process. “Don’t bother raising funds from
your own budget, the U.N. will gladly do it for you” said Ahmed Al-Ahmed, a
member of the Yemeni delegation to a U.S. official . “You obviously will not resolve the deep
issues, just make it look like you will” he added.
During
the shutdown, employees forced to stop working, worried about the looming
impact of this shutdown, and many citizens felt caught between the tug of war
between the two parties. The tension
resulted in a number of unsettling events; including the self-immolation
of a man at the national mall in Washington D.C., and the killing of an unarmed
mother suffering from postpartum
depression after a car chase from the White House while her toddler was in
the car.
Known
for it’s long tradition of dialogue and conflict resolution, the Yemeni experts will also train various
selected neighborhood watches on how to secure their communities through local
committees in the event there is another government shutdown; and in
order to avoid a repeat of such actions or an escalation of tensions between
the two political parties in conflict.
For
centuries, numerous parts of Yemen relied on tribal law to handle conflicts
between various entities, as they were able to preserve order and security in
the areas with no government presence.
The
U.S. has the highest number of guns per capita in the world, and is home to Timothy
McVeigh and Terry Nichols; the perpetrators of the Oklahoma
bombing that killed 168 people on April 19, 1995.
***
While
inspired by true events such as the U.S. government shutdown and Yemen’s
national dialogue process; much of what is written is fabricated and only intended
as a satirical piece.
Thursday, October 17, 2013
Saturday, October 5, 2013
Coffee, Yemen's Golden Commodity
First published in Al-Monitor
Moving from tree to tree, an old man shows off his treasure. He is so engrossed in his task that, at times, he forgets who is around. His hand, tanned and wrinkled by years of working under the sun, cautiously extends toward a stem and carefully handpicks coffee cherries, while explaining the delicate and intricate process.
Mohammed al-Maisi’s coffee nursery is hidden behind a red mosque in the mountains of Al-Ahjar, one hour away from the capital, Sanaa.
The 60-year-old father of four and grandfather of six has been farming his entire life. “I used to go to school, and when I returned I would help my father plant coffee,” he said. A general and a coffee cultivator, his father passed his love for farming on to his son.
Maisi proudly points to the different coffee varieties he cultivates, which are safely covered by a green plastic tunnel: “aldawairi, tufahi, shibrigi, alahjuri.”
Yemen is credited with being the first place where coffee was consumed as a beverage and cultivated as a commercial crop. Coffee drinking appeared in the middle of the 15th century, in the Sufi monasteries of Yemen.
“Coffee was everything for Yemen,” said Sheikh Shabbir Ezzi, a businessman at Al Ezzi Industries. “It’s a gift from our ancestors. You can see how important coffee was for Yemen from the emblem of the country. Inside the bird’s heart is a coffee plant.”
 |
| Mohammed Al-Maisi's coffee nursery (photo by Atiaf Alwazir) |
Moving from tree to tree, an old man shows off his treasure. He is so engrossed in his task that, at times, he forgets who is around. His hand, tanned and wrinkled by years of working under the sun, cautiously extends toward a stem and carefully handpicks coffee cherries, while explaining the delicate and intricate process.
Mohammed al-Maisi’s coffee nursery is hidden behind a red mosque in the mountains of Al-Ahjar, one hour away from the capital, Sanaa.
The 60-year-old father of four and grandfather of six has been farming his entire life. “I used to go to school, and when I returned I would help my father plant coffee,” he said. A general and a coffee cultivator, his father passed his love for farming on to his son.
Maisi proudly points to the different coffee varieties he cultivates, which are safely covered by a green plastic tunnel: “aldawairi, tufahi, shibrigi, alahjuri.”
Yemen is credited with being the first place where coffee was consumed as a beverage and cultivated as a commercial crop. Coffee drinking appeared in the middle of the 15th century, in the Sufi monasteries of Yemen.
“Coffee was everything for Yemen,” said Sheikh Shabbir Ezzi, a businessman at Al Ezzi Industries. “It’s a gift from our ancestors. You can see how important coffee was for Yemen from the emblem of the country. Inside the bird’s heart is a coffee plant.”
While coffee has proved lucrative for some business ventures, many farmers have not been able to live on coffee alone.
Since the 1950s, Yemeni coffee has been facing great challenges. In 2011, coffee export was 20 times less than 150 years ago. Once a world-renowned port, Al-Makha — from which the English adaptation of the word “mocha” comes — is now almost out of business. In fact, according to Peet’s Coffee & Tea, the word mocha “became associated with chocolate because Europeans' first experiences with cocoa, in the 17th century, reminded them of the bittersweet coffee they imported from Yemen.”
Today, farmers often do not get remuneration comparable to the quality of their coffee for a variety of reasons, including the disconnect between the farmers and the market abroad.
Maisi grew coffee all his life, and is nostalgic about the good old days, when coffee was a “golden commodity.” He is forced to diversify his crops with qat — a mild narcotic commonly chewed by a significant majority of the country — to survive. “Financially, I’m doing very well. Yet, I cannot attribute it to coffee alone,” he said.
“The government should help me remove the qat plants and support me to plant more coffee instead, as a pilot project,” he added. “We receive nothing from the government. They do not care about our resources.”
He was surprised to hear that this idea is in fact being implemented in the beautiful mountains of Haraaz by the local community and Al Ezzi Industries. The enterprise is currently working with 3,500 coffee farmers — including 1,000 from Haraaz— providing them with incentives to produce better quality coffee and paying their farming cooperatives directly to achieve long-term sustainability.
Their sophisticated post-harvesting techniques of fusing tradition and modernity, and their knowledge of marketing abroad using Yemeni coffee’s uniqueness and reputation, has enabled their success. According to their website, Al Ezzi Industries implements “globally accepted standards of grading and classifications, fair trade systems and traceability by utilizing the very latest technology.”
Their knowledge of this niche market enables them to connect to various markets in the West. Maisi, on the other hand, was unaware that hipsters in New York City’s Williamsburg neighborhood sip a cup of Arabica coffee after paying about a quarter of his daily salary. “Maybe we should move to America,” he jokingly said, after being told the cost of a cup of Arabica at one of the many coffee shops in North America.
As they sip their delicious Arabica coffee, many customers are unaware of the long process it takes to make a cup. The beans used to make their coffee can only begin to be harvested five years after being planted at 2,500 meters (8,202 feet) above sea level, a unique climate for coffee growing. “In Yemen, you have a perfect balance of the warmth and shade that you need to create good coffee,” said Ezzi.
After changing color from green to red, the coffee cherry is picked by hand, a labor-intensive and difficult process. “This is why I have many children, the more hands the easier,” said Maisi giggling. He added, “I usually prefer to pick them myself, because if done incorrectly one can damage the stem or even the tree.” It needs patience, care and observation, and is very time-consuming.
Maisi rotates among the trees approximately three times a month, choosing only the cherries that are at the peak of ripeness. After harvesting, the cherries are cleaned and then placed in the sun to dry up to four weeks. Finally, he removes the last layers of dry skin.
Maisi does not toss away the coffee husk. Instead, Yemenis use every aspect of the coffee plant. The beans make traditional coffee known as Bun that can also be ground to fit different needs — French press, espresso, Turkish coffee and so on. From the husk, Yemenis make the popular coffee drink known as qishr, which is spiced with cardamom and ginger and known for its antioxidants. This is the most popular drink in Yemen. They also infuse the leaves to make a red tea-like herbal medicine for women with postpartum hemorrhage.
If a compromise is reached between short-term and long-term investment, between cultural authenticity and productivity and between local and international market needs, Yemeni coffee could regain its worldwide status.
On the way back to the nursery, in a rusty voice, Maisi joyfully sang Ayoub Tarish’s famous song: “Yemeni coffee, oh pearl, oh treasure above the tree; Whoever grows you, will never be poor or humiliated.”
Since the 1950s, Yemeni coffee has been facing great challenges. In 2011, coffee export was 20 times less than 150 years ago. Once a world-renowned port, Al-Makha — from which the English adaptation of the word “mocha” comes — is now almost out of business. In fact, according to Peet’s Coffee & Tea, the word mocha “became associated with chocolate because Europeans' first experiences with cocoa, in the 17th century, reminded them of the bittersweet coffee they imported from Yemen.”
Today, farmers often do not get remuneration comparable to the quality of their coffee for a variety of reasons, including the disconnect between the farmers and the market abroad.
Maisi grew coffee all his life, and is nostalgic about the good old days, when coffee was a “golden commodity.” He is forced to diversify his crops with qat — a mild narcotic commonly chewed by a significant majority of the country — to survive. “Financially, I’m doing very well. Yet, I cannot attribute it to coffee alone,” he said.
“The government should help me remove the qat plants and support me to plant more coffee instead, as a pilot project,” he added. “We receive nothing from the government. They do not care about our resources.”
He was surprised to hear that this idea is in fact being implemented in the beautiful mountains of Haraaz by the local community and Al Ezzi Industries. The enterprise is currently working with 3,500 coffee farmers — including 1,000 from Haraaz— providing them with incentives to produce better quality coffee and paying their farming cooperatives directly to achieve long-term sustainability.
Their sophisticated post-harvesting techniques of fusing tradition and modernity, and their knowledge of marketing abroad using Yemeni coffee’s uniqueness and reputation, has enabled their success. According to their website, Al Ezzi Industries implements “globally accepted standards of grading and classifications, fair trade systems and traceability by utilizing the very latest technology.”
Their knowledge of this niche market enables them to connect to various markets in the West. Maisi, on the other hand, was unaware that hipsters in New York City’s Williamsburg neighborhood sip a cup of Arabica coffee after paying about a quarter of his daily salary. “Maybe we should move to America,” he jokingly said, after being told the cost of a cup of Arabica at one of the many coffee shops in North America.
As they sip their delicious Arabica coffee, many customers are unaware of the long process it takes to make a cup. The beans used to make their coffee can only begin to be harvested five years after being planted at 2,500 meters (8,202 feet) above sea level, a unique climate for coffee growing. “In Yemen, you have a perfect balance of the warmth and shade that you need to create good coffee,” said Ezzi.
After changing color from green to red, the coffee cherry is picked by hand, a labor-intensive and difficult process. “This is why I have many children, the more hands the easier,” said Maisi giggling. He added, “I usually prefer to pick them myself, because if done incorrectly one can damage the stem or even the tree.” It needs patience, care and observation, and is very time-consuming.
Maisi rotates among the trees approximately three times a month, choosing only the cherries that are at the peak of ripeness. After harvesting, the cherries are cleaned and then placed in the sun to dry up to four weeks. Finally, he removes the last layers of dry skin.
Maisi does not toss away the coffee husk. Instead, Yemenis use every aspect of the coffee plant. The beans make traditional coffee known as Bun that can also be ground to fit different needs — French press, espresso, Turkish coffee and so on. From the husk, Yemenis make the popular coffee drink known as qishr, which is spiced with cardamom and ginger and known for its antioxidants. This is the most popular drink in Yemen. They also infuse the leaves to make a red tea-like herbal medicine for women with postpartum hemorrhage.
If a compromise is reached between short-term and long-term investment, between cultural authenticity and productivity and between local and international market needs, Yemeni coffee could regain its worldwide status.
On the way back to the nursery, in a rusty voice, Maisi joyfully sang Ayoub Tarish’s famous song: “Yemeni coffee, oh pearl, oh treasure above the tree; Whoever grows you, will never be poor or humiliated.”
Sunday, September 15, 2013
The "Beauty" of Death?
Since
the passing of my dear friend Ibrahim I haven’t been able to articulate how I
really feel, and I can’t write a proper tribute.
Instead, I will just share a selection of
verses from a poem entitled The Beauty of Death by Gibran Khalil Gibran. When I re-read it three days ago, it reminded me of Ibrahim’s tireless attempts to break my fear of death, and he even asked me to find the beauty within it (I had previously told him that death is one of my fears).
Reading it, I feel that Ibrahim is speaking
to us, minus the jokes and pranks of course.
Unfortunately, I can't see or feel the"beauty" of death because all I feel is utter pain, grief, shock, anger and longing.
I want to tell you Ibrahim that you are wrong, there is nothing beautiful about it. Yet, I also know you are at peace now, and death is only hard for the living.
So for you, I will try to find the impossible, I will try to internalize these words, but it will surely take many many years.
I want to tell you Ibrahim that you are wrong, there is nothing beautiful about it. Yet, I also know you are at peace now, and death is only hard for the living.
So for you, I will try to find the impossible, I will try to internalize these words, but it will surely take many many years.
The Beauty of Death
Let me sleep, for my soul is
intoxicated with love and
Let me rest, for my spirit has had its bounty of days and nights;
Let me rest in the arms of Slumber, for my open eyes are tired;
Dry your tears, my friends, and raise your heads as the flowers
Raise their crowns to greet the dawn.
Come close and bid me farewell; touch my eyes with smiling lips.
I have passed a mountain peak and my soul is soaring in the
Firmament of complete and unbound freedom;
I am far, far away, my companions, and the clouds are
Hiding the hills from my eyes.
I am cloaked in full whiteness;
I am in comfort; I am in peace.
Lament me not, but sing songs of youth and joy;
Let me rest, for my spirit has had its bounty of days and nights;
Let me rest in the arms of Slumber, for my open eyes are tired;
Dry your tears, my friends, and raise your heads as the flowers
Raise their crowns to greet the dawn.
Come close and bid me farewell; touch my eyes with smiling lips.
I have passed a mountain peak and my soul is soaring in the
Firmament of complete and unbound freedom;
I am far, far away, my companions, and the clouds are
Hiding the hills from my eyes.
I am cloaked in full whiteness;
I am in comfort; I am in peace.
Lament me not, but sing songs of youth and joy;
Shed not tears upon me, but sing of harvest and the winepress;
Utter no sigh of agony, but draw upon my face with your
Finger the symbol of Love and Joy.
Talk not of my departure with sighs in your hearts; close
Your eyes and you will see me with you forevermore.
Go back to the joy of your dwellings and you will find there
That which Death cannot remove from you and me.
Utter no sigh of agony, but draw upon my face with your
Finger the symbol of Love and Joy.
Talk not of my departure with sighs in your hearts; close
Your eyes and you will see me with you forevermore.
Go back to the joy of your dwellings and you will find there
That which Death cannot remove from you and me.
Wednesday, September 4, 2013
Justice for Hassan and Khaled will show if Yemen has really changed
First published in the National
On May 15 this year, Amaan's grandson, Hassan, 20, and his friend Khaled, 21, were shot in cold blood as they attempted to pass a wedding procession.
It is customary to allow a procession to pass without interruption. The young men's innocent defiance of this custom cost them their lives because the procession they passed was linked to a powerful political and tribal figure.
For years, powerful men be they businessmen, politicians, or tribesmen robbed citizens of their right to justice and cost thousands their lives. The former president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, allowed influential corrupt men to do as they please with no accountability.
Numerous stories and personal experiences of injustices at the hands of people linked to the government prompted many to participate in the 2011 uprising, demanding justice and the rule of law.
While tribal law provided order and security for communities outside the government eye for hundreds of years, some powerful and corrupt individuals had been given a green light by the government to do as they please.
Many young revolutionaries dreamed of a new Yemen where the law is upheld and all citizens would be treated equally. Hope was placed in the hands of the national unity government and the National Dialogue Conference (NDC).
Yet, for many the case of Hassan and Khaled crushed their faith in the transitional process. "They call this the new Yemen. How is it new when everything is the same?" said Ali, a taxi driver and education ministry employee.
"Corruption is still there, except instead of only one group of people stealing, now you have many."
The person who is accused of killing Hassan and Khaled was identified as a nephew of Sheikh Ali Abd rabbou Al Awadhi, a powerful tribal sheikh, an NDC delegate and highranking member of the Islamist Islah party.
This case has been widely publicised. To many, this case resembles the fate of Yemen.
As writer Salah Al Dakkak put it: "It is not simply an act against a citizen, it is an act against citizenship."
Most importantly, it has become the test for the performance of the transitional government.
Three months after Hassan and Khaled died, their killer has not been arrested and a file for the case has not even been officially opened in the Ministry of Interior.
Every day that passes without justice for Hassan and Khaled is a day where the NDC loses its credibility in the eyes of the people.
Sheikh Al Awadhi remains a member of the NDC. At a time when revolutionaries hoped for a complete change in the system and a break from the past's legacy of mass violations, this case has not only enshrined impunity in national law, but also in the psyche of Yemeni citizens.
"Some are demanding my arrest, as if I am the killer, while those who engaged in mass murder enjoy freedom and immunity," said
Sheikh Al Awadhi in a statement he released to media. The immunity law he is referring to was stipulated in the Gulf Cooperation Council's (GCC) transfer of power deal in return for Mr. Saleh's resignation, protecting him and his aides from prosecution for "political crimes" during his rule.
The GCC agreement also requires steps on transitional justice and "measures to ensure that violations of human rights and humanitarian law do not occur in the future". A law on Transitional Justice (TJ) and National Reconciliation has been under discussion since February last year but the cabinet failed to reach consensus on it and the law is currently with President Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi awaiting approval.
The draft law provides for truth commissions to determine reparations, ranging from material compensation to apologies and memorials. It would also have the authority to compel testimony or the release of documents, and would publish draft reports inviting comments from civil society organisations and the public at large.
These are positive steps that provide some hope but major concerns remain. Will President Hadi and members of the current government, who were part of the old regime, allow for the commission to investigate crimes that occurred while they were officials in the previous government?
According to the lawyer Haykal Bafana: "Transitional Justice is the mirror image of the immunity clause. What the TJ bill requires is an explicit acceptance by the victims of the immunity law that was approved by Yemen's parliament last year."
In effect, victims can seek justice through the TJ law but it will still be subservient to the immunity law and the GCC deal.
Another major question is that of implementation. Too often in countries where the rule of law is ignored, legislation provides decent protection for citizens, but implementation is lacking. Many fear that the transitional justice law will remain ink on paper, never to be implemented.
Despite these negative trends, local communitybased initiatives are on the rise. "No one is above the law" flyers that have decorated many cars in major cities around the country. Letters have been delivered to officials through street protests demanding justice for Hassan and Khaled.
The two men's families are vowing to pursue real justice but to do so with words as weapons rather than responding with arms for arms or blood for blood.
Friday, August 16, 2013
Yemen's Independent Youth and Their Role in the National Dialogue Conference- Triggering a Change in Political Culture
Published in SWP Comment
Summary:
In March 2013, a six-month National Dialogue Conference (NDC) began. It has brought together 565 diverse participants, among them representatives of Yemen's independent youth, who were essential in starting the 2011 uprising. The Conference is tasked with putting forward decisions on major topics related to Yemen's future. In July, a majority of participants adopted the decisions and recommendations of six of the nine working groups. Youth and other independent participants were crucial in pushing for recommendations promoting equal citizenship for men and women in the decisions adopted. Yet, their impact on decision making remains limited. In addition, amidst continued insecurity and economic crisis, the working groups on the structure of the state and long-lasting conflicts in the north and south have not reached agreement. While failure of the NDC is thus not unlikely, the participation of independent youth has already triggered positive changes in the country's political culture. Europeans should support this trend and provide technical assistance and skills-building to independent youth groups.
Continue reading here
Summary:
In March 2013, a six-month National Dialogue Conference (NDC) began. It has brought together 565 diverse participants, among them representatives of Yemen's independent youth, who were essential in starting the 2011 uprising. The Conference is tasked with putting forward decisions on major topics related to Yemen's future. In July, a majority of participants adopted the decisions and recommendations of six of the nine working groups. Youth and other independent participants were crucial in pushing for recommendations promoting equal citizenship for men and women in the decisions adopted. Yet, their impact on decision making remains limited. In addition, amidst continued insecurity and economic crisis, the working groups on the structure of the state and long-lasting conflicts in the north and south have not reached agreement. While failure of the NDC is thus not unlikely, the participation of independent youth has already triggered positive changes in the country's political culture. Europeans should support this trend and provide technical assistance and skills-building to independent youth groups.
Continue reading here
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)