Updated: No one should be above the law!

On Wednesday May 15, twenty-two year old Khalid Al-Khateeb flew from Aden to Sana'a for an interview hoping for a potential scholarship to study in Germany*.  That night,  he and his  20-year old friend Hassan Aman went out. Little did they know that this car ride would be their last.

Around 10 pm., while they were in the car, they came across a wedding procession on 50 street in Beit Boss area.  Then, according to their families, as they were trying to bypass the procession - and here details are still fuzzy - armed men got out of a car and shot them in front of police cars who were there to "protect" the wedding procession. 


The car and the armed men are reportedly linked to Al-Awadhi tribe, and more precisely to its Sheikh Ali Abd Rabo Al-Awadhi, a National Dialogue participant in the southern issue working group.  

The criminal investigation has gathered evidence and forensic reports have been conducted but not published yet, and details are still yet to be revealed.  The ministry of interior announced the plate number of the car, and stated that the motives of the killing is not yet clear and that they are still searching for the killers.

As this cartoon illustrates**, for many Yemenis, the motive is clear: those with weapons flexing their muscles and taking advantage of their power.  

Man says "There is nothing here sir, they are just some youth that the Sheikh killed... no no thank God, the Sheikh is ok"

This brutal show of force with disregard for humanity and no care for potential consequences has shocked the capital, and of course the family.   Since she heard the news, Hassan's mother has lost the ability to speak.

 The case is slowly becoming a national issue and shaping public opinion on the matter. This might be partially due to the fact that Hassan Aman is the grandson of the famous poet Lutfi Jafar Aman, but more importantly because various groups have together taken this issue as a priority.  


Today, majority of participants at the National Dialogue Conference froze their membership demanding the arrest and investigation of perpetrators.  In addition, a protest was also held in front of Parliament demanding justice.  Another protest is scheduled to take place on Monday.

Poster at rally demanding justice reads "We demand arrest of the murders of Hassan Aman and Khalid Al-Khateeb"

Online campaigns have also been dedicated to this issue.  R.I.P Hassan Aman & Khalid Al-Khateeb page has been setup to draw attention to this case.  

This case of course is unfortunately not the first of its kind.  Just a year ago, the body guard of the Prime Minister's daughter killed a guard at the English language institute Exceed.  This video taken by the Institute's camera shows the incident.   

According to local media, the Prime Minister ordered the surrender of the body guard and the case was handled by ministry of interior.  Since then, there has been conflicting information about what happened afterwards with the case.

There are hundreds of other stories throughout the country that do not make it to the the media, mainstream or alternative.  Not only about murder, but also illegal detention, land grabbing, and forced marriages.  These highlight the brutality of corruption and power in the absence of accountability and rule of law.

The issue should not be looked at as simply a problem with the "tribal" structure, because there are positives and negatives when it comes to the tribal structure.  For example, through tribal law, tribes have for a long time provided stability and security in areas far removed from governing structures.  

The main issue here is the ease at which corrupt powerful men, tribesman or others, can kill and steal, and get away with it. No one should be above the law, not a powerful tribesman, nor a rich businessman, nor a government official.  Sooner or later justice will prevail.
 
"We will not respond arms for arms, or blood for blood ...our weapon is the power of words" said Mohammed Aman on Facebook in response to the murder of his cousin.  

So lets spread his words by demanding Justice and equality, after all isn't that what the revolution and the calls for a civic state were all about?

campaign poster says "Stay silent today...tomorrow you will be the victim" - photos of the two martyrs Hassan and Khalid

==
* This post has been updated, earlier I wrote that he flew from Aden to Sanaa in order to fly to Germany, but it was revealed that he had an interview that day for a potential scholarship to  Germany.

** Cartoon was added two hours after initial post.

التعليم حق أساسي وليس رفاهية!

بالأمس عندما كنت عائدة إلى المنزل على المترو في برلين، كانت هناك امرأة عجوز، جالسة أمامي ذكرتني كثيرا بجدتي. كانت كأنها النسخة الألمانيّة لجدتي اليمنية ؛ عيونها المليئة بالدفيء والعاطفة تتناقض مع الأسلوب الجاف التي كانت تعطيه للشخص الجالس بجانبها ربما كان ذلك بسبب قربه الشديد منها. شفتيها تشير إلى عدم الراحة، بنفس الطريقة التي تحرك جدتي شفتيها عندما تكون منزعجة. كدت على وشك أن أضحك بصوت عالٍ مبتهجا بما أرى أمامي وأردت أن أقوم وأعانقها حالا. لكني نظرت إليها فوجدتها مستغرقة في القراءة. نعم إنها تقرأ!

في حين يعتبر هذا عمل طبيعي جدا هنا ، إلا انه في اليمن لا يوجد مثل هذا الإقبال على المطالعة لسبب مؤلم هو أن ٦٠ في المئة من النساء أميات، ولذلك تعتبر القارئة شيء نادر و مميّز.

ثم خطر في ذهني ذلك اليوم الذي كانت جدتي مريضة في المستشفى، وكانت الأسرة مجتمعة حولها. في ذلك اليوم خرجت لشراء ماء للزوار، ووجدت مجلة فيها مقال جميل، اشتريتها، وفي بالي ان هذا المقال سيعجب جدتي، وسيساعدها على تمشية الوقت في المستشفى.

عندما عدت أعطيتها المجلة، وقالت لي: "شكرا لك، هناك العديد من الصور الجميلة في هذه المجلة". وفي تلك اللحظة تذكرت أن جدتي لا تستطيع القراءة. بالطبع كنت أعرف أنها لا تقرأ، ولكن لم أستشعر هذه المعلومة حتى تلك اللحظة.

أدركت أيضا شيئا آخر: وجود تحول حصل في عائلتي. جدتي ، لا تستطيع القراءة أو الكتابة، ووالدتي تخرجت من الثانوية، وأنا لدي درجة الماجستير. هذا بالفعل شهادة للتغيرات التدريجية التي حدثت وتحدث في مجتمعنا، بشكل بسيط وبدون توسع افقي، ولكن هناك للأسف الكثيرات اللاتي لم تكن لديهن هذه الفرصة.

هناك الآلاف من النساء الشابات اللاتي يصادفن مشاكل كثيرة، لا تقتصر على عدم معرفتهن بفتح الفيسبوك أو تويتر فحسب وإنما لانهن لا يعرفن للقراءة أو الكتابة.

منذ وقت طويل لم يكن المجال الدراسي مفتوحا أمام النساء، وفي العهد الجمهوري تركز التعليم على المدن الكبيرة، أما في الأرياف فقد منعتهن عن الدراسة عدة أسباب؛ إما بسبب عدم وجود مدرسة في قريتهم، أو لأن المدرسة بعيدة جدا، أو لأنهن اضطررن إلى العمل لمساعدة الأسرة، أو لأنهن تزوجن صغيرات، أو لأن الدولة لم تطبق قانون إلزامية التعليم ولم توفر المدارس بالشكل المطلوب.

اليوم، العديد يتحدث عن أهمية المشاركة السياسية للمرأة، وهذا مهم جدا، وضروري جدا، ولكن يتعين علينا ألا نتجاهل الحاجة الماسة إلى الرعاية الصحية الكاملة، والتعليم الكافي للنساء. للأسف كثير من الحركات النسائية تركز فقط على الحقوق السياسية، وتتجاهل الحقوق الأساسية، وبذلك، فإنها تتجاهل الجزء الأكبر من احتياجات المجتمع النسوي.

أتذكر عندما كنت في زيارة لقرية بالقرب من العاصمة التقيت بشاب في السادس من عمره، في غاية الذكاء، تحدثنا لبعض الوقت ودعاني للقاء والدته، أخذني إلى منزلهم، وعندما دخلت، لاحظت أن الأم لديها طفل مريض ممدد بجانبها.

عندما رأتني، سألتني، "هل تعرفي تقرئين؟" قلت لها: نعم. قالت: "زوجي اشترى هذا الدواء، ولكن أنا لا أعرف كيف أعطيه لطفلي." أخذت العلبة وقرأت لها التعليمات بصوت عال . وجودي هناك كانت صدفة إلهية ولكن ماذا عن العديد من الأوقات عندما لا يوجد أحد للمساعدة؟.

عندما كنا في ساحة التغيير، بدأت بعض النساء دورة لمحو الأمية في إحدى الخيام،.وكانت تلك مبادرة رائعة، وكانت هذه فرصة مذهلة للمرأة للمشاركة والتعلم ولبناء مشاركة مجتمعيّة حقيقيّة.

دعونا جميعا نعمل معا للمطالبة من الحكومة إعادة برنامج فصول محو الأمية التي كانت تطبق في السابق، ودعونا أيضا نطالب بالتعليم والرعاية الصحية للنساء وأن تكون هذه المطالب من الأولويّات السياسيّة في مؤتمر الحوار الوطني

Reading should be a right not a privilege

Yesterday when I was riding Berlin's metro to return home, an old woman was sitting in front of me.  She reminded me so much of my grandmother.  She was the German clone of Mama Sayyida! She had the same kind eyes, with the contradictory upset attitude she was giving the person next to her who was sitting a bit too close.  The woman moved her lips indicating discomfort, the same way my grandmother does.  I almost laughed out loud and wanted to get up and hug her.  She then looked down and continued to read.  Yes READ!

While this is a very normal activity in many countries, in Yemen where 60 percent of women are illiterate, reading is in fact a privilege.

A recent event popped in my mind reminding me of a time when mama Sayyida was ill. She was in the hospital and the family was gathered around her. I went out to buy water for everyone and found a magazine with a nice article. I bought it thinking she would like the topic, and it could give her something to do to pass the time while she's at the hospital.

When I came back I gave it to her, and she said: "thanks, there are many nice pictures in this magazine". It was at THAT moment that I remembered my grandmother can’t read. Of course I knew this all along, but I never really internalized it until then.

I also realized something else: the transformation of my family. Mama Sayyida, can’t read or write, my mother graduated from high school, and I have a masters degree.  This in fact is a testimony of the very small incremental changes in our society, but there are many other women who have not had this chance.

Three generations of Yemeni women (from left to right: me, mama & mama Sayyida)

There are thousands of young woman, who not only can't access facebook or twitter, but in fact have never learned to read or write.  They were either banned because there was no school in their village, or the commute was too long, or because they had to work to help the family, or because they married young, or the fact that the state does not implement a law making education obligatory nor provide the proper services for it.

Today, many are speaking about the importance of women's political participation, and while this is in fact important, we should not neglect the urgent need for women's access to health care and education.  Unfortunately, many gender rights group focus only on the political rights ignoring the other basic rights, and by doing so, they alienate a big chunk of the population.

I remember when I was visiting a village near the capital.  I was walking around, and met an extremely brilliant six-year old boy.  We talked and he invited me to meet his mother.  He took me to their house, and when I entered, I noticed that the mother had a sick child laying next to her.

When she saw me, she asked me, "can you read?" I said yes.  She said: "my husband bought this medicine, but I don't know how to give it to my child, and he's not home."  I took the bottle and read the instructions out loud to her.  I coincidentally happened to be there, but what about the many times, when no one is around to help?

During the time we were camped in Change Square, some women began a literacy course in one of the tents precisely highlighting this as a major priority for women.  This was an amazing opportunity for women to engage, learn and become active in their societies.

Let us all work together to demand concrete changes, and demand from the government to bring back the literacy program that it used to implement in the past.  We also must make the rights to education and health care as top political priorities in the national dialogue conference (which began on March 2013 and is scheduled to end in August 2013).

The Flawed Media Narrative on Yemen

First Published in YourMiddleEast

Imagine the following: after weeks of convincing his editors that it is safe to travel to the US, a journalist from Landistan arrived in Kentucky state. Before his arrival, he read many news articles on the country and followed a number of journalists and activists on Twitter. He had no time to read history books that would have provided context to the situation.

In Louisville, Kentucky, he went to visit the school where student Mathew Ward killed the schoolmaster in 1850, followed by visits to the states of New Hampshire, Ohio, California, Maryland, Illinois, Oklahoma, Connecticut, and Texas to visit the schools that witnessed gun-related incidents in 2012. The journalist met with families of the victims and of the perpetrators in the nine states.

He then wrote a story entitled “America’s Gangs and Guns,” where he boasted about his visits outside the capital, which gave him a great overview of the country. In his article, he mentioned “the bloody Americans” at least three times. Never once did he highlight any of the anti-gun campaigns or speak to Americans who are against gun violence. The friendly and diverse American population, the innovation of its scientists and creativity of its artists was also missing from the story. Instead he visited Walmart, the large discount department store that sells firearms, and wrote: “while the son is choosing which candy to buy, his father is choosing which type of bullet.”

You may think it is impossible for such a bias article to appear in a mainstream well-respected western newspaper. However, when it comes to Yemen this is unfortunately quite common.

Yemen’s media reputation

Yemen, the land inhabited by 24 million people from different backgrounds, regions, sects, dialects and landscapes has been reduced to Al-Qaeda or Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), wars, poverty, Qat, tribalism, or the ancestral home of Osama Bin Laden.

Reading mainstream media today, one imagines that AQAP has taken over the entire country, and that militants are roaming freely throughout. One might also come to the conclusion that most Yemenis are in fact militants.

The country with a long history that was once hailed as Arabia Felix, land of generosity, wisdom, coffee, the first sky scrapers, the land with many queens and great architecture, is now only about the hysteria of the decade: terrorism. This is not to say that terrorism is not a problem, it is, but it is not the sole problem, and the way media reports on it with no analysis of impact of the war on terror, nor any depth, simply magnifies the problem.

On September 30, 2011, I went to the streets of the capital to get people’s reaction on the killing of Anwar Al-Awlaki, the Yemeni-American cleric who was accused of being a main recruiter for AQAP. To my surprise, many people responded, “who is Anwar Al-Awlaki?” This highlights the sharp disconnect between Yemenis and the media reporting on them.

In mainstream articles and books, there is hardly any mention of the majority of Yemenis who dislike extremism. A notable survey in 2011 concluded that 86% of Yemenis have an unfavorable opinion of Al Qaeda. Media failed to report that when the American teacher Joel Shrum was killed, many protests were held in the city of Taiz against the killing, and against extremism. In fact one year later, people in Taiz organized a silent memorial to remember him on the anniversary of his death. Only local media reported this event.

Al-Qaeda has overshadowed most reporting on Yemen. Mainstream media has not only perpetuated and enhanced stereotypes but by doing so, has unintentionally caused damage to Yemen’s reputation. Journalists are slowly erasing the long history of Yemen and its traditions, and depriving people of their voice. Yemen at large remains extensively unexamined.

There is no doubt that constant one-sided reporting filled with stereotypes breeds hatred of the other. The singling out of Yemenis at airports abroad merely because of their passport has caused many to feel unfairly targeted and some believe that they are victims of this bad reputation.

It is no wonder that at home, some have began feeling suspicious. “Are you taking pictures to make us look bad?” asked a taxi driver to a foreign journalist. “No that is not my intention, you have a beautiful country,” he responded. Driver exhaled in relief explaining that sometimes journalists pick the most un-common event and say this is Yemen.

When I told young activists about this article, Amira Al-Arasi said, “yes, yes our reputation abroad is terrible,” she jokingly explained that Yemeni citizenship alone cannot be taken seriously. “This is why when Tawakkul Karman won the Nobel Peace Prize, she also received another citizenship,” she said, and the crowd of activists around her laughed.

The televised revolution somewhat helped change the perception of Yemenis in the eyes of their Arab neighbors. In some Arab countries today, the first question is no longer do you chew qat? – but rather, have you been to Change Square? However, this has not yet spilled over to mainstream western media.

In fact, during the uprising, Yemen’s coverage was weak when compared with other Arab Spring countries (with the exception of Bahrain). While media covered the art and comedy in Egypt’s Tahrir square, the poetry, theatre, and music of Change Square was hardly covered when it came to the Yemeni protests.

“If the Yemen protests had been streaming on western TVs during 2011, it would have increased awareness of the country outside of the terrorism-related news, and would have generated more interest in Yemen,” said a western journalist.

“Unfortunately that didn’t happen,” she added.

Why only fear-based media?
For a number of reasons, the media narrative on Yemen is completely flawed. One aspect is the lack of knowledge on the complexities of the country.

“The editors I work with have never been to Yemen, they know at best – only a little piece of what is already published – and are often people with a liking for clichés,” said Sara, a European journalist.

Parachute journalists also know very little about the country and when reporting assess it only based on what they see in comparison to other countries, not what they see of Yemen in comparison to its own past – because they often do not know Yemen’s recent history, hence it affects their analysis of the current situation, making their reports diluted and superficial.

Even worse, is the fact that many write about sensitive topics from their desks in London, New York, Paris or Dubai without ever stepping foot in Yemen.

Who needs to when you can just ask a few online activists what they think?

Many of the freelance journalists based in Yemen, start their career here. With time their knowledge of the country increases significantly, especially when establishing a wide range of contacts. One advantage in Yemen is the ease at which contacts can be established even at the highest levels. Seniority is not an issue, nor is experience; young freelance journalists are able to meet and interview top officials. Yemenis in general are often very willing to speak to journalists as well.

Yet despite their knowledge compared to the parachute journalists, many have not been able to pitch the stories they want. Except for a few of the very established freelance journalists, the majority complains of lack of response from the editors.

“The interest, generally speaking, just isn’t that strong,” said a freelance Western journalist. “Yemen isn’t the same as Egypt, Iraq or Afghanistan,” said another western journalist.
As the saying goes, “if it bleeds, it leads” and in the case of Yemen it unfortunately became, “only if it bleeds, it appears.”

Today’s journalism on Yemen is no longer about getting the facts right, or inspiring people to think independently, it is about who can write the most sensationalized story on the country – no matter how many times it has already been told – because that is what sells.

The irony is that editors claim there is no interest for stories from Yemen, yet few stories that are non-security linked are published, so how do they assess that interest?

While editors often do not take stories beyond headline news, young journalists who are trying to build a career in mainstream media feel pressured to only write inside the box provided. Then because they only write within that box, that is what editors expect. It’s a vicious cycle.

Journalists seem unable to openly criticize this cycle or the negative coverage of Yemen. When I asked a number of freelance journalists questions for this article, many agreed to be quoted but without their name or nationality. The life of freelancers hangs in the hands of these editors, but at the same time, editors should know what the journalists who work for them really think.

What can be done?
When writing, journalists should keep in mind that just as Norwegians are not defined by Anders Behring Breivik, Yemenis do not want to be defined by his Yemeni equivalents. As obvious as it sounds, many have not yet internalized the idea that humanity transcends boundaries, only when that happens will reporting change and the orientalist approach to analysis may be reduced.

Journalists will begin to report what they see not solely in comparison to what they know of the West. For example, instead of the failed state theory, which has been discussed for two decades, we might read more about tribal and community methods of maintaining peace. Because of “its rigid and Eurocentric approach, the failed state thesis is unable to recognize the strategies employed by states like Yemen to ensure their survival, which include the purposeful production of chaos,” wrote PhD Candidate Sophia Dingli.

In addition, stories may transcend the usual topics, and may even focus more on the people of Yemen rather than on the person writing the story. For example, instead of stories on the bravery of journalists going to the weapon market, we may read about the relatively low crime rates despite the high number of private firearms.

We may also read stories about young juveniles on hunger strike protesting for their colleagues on death row, campaigns to reduce the use of qat, political satire, young girls turning to solar energy for power, economic development and street artists promoting awareness of social issues.
When editors do not agree to publish these articles, some journalists decide to write in alternative media. “There I work with editors who are ready to publish stories written from new angels,” said Sara. “I write for money, that is what I do, and then I realize I must also write for free to do Yemen justice,” she added.

Yemenis in the diaspora, and those who speak English inside the country should be more proactive in providing feedback to journalists and editors, and publically acknowledging when mistakes are published. The truth is, there is no media watch. Anyone can write anything misleading, incorrect, or bias and mainstream media will often publish it.

Women of Yemen March for Peace

On International Women's Day, a group of female and male activists marched in the old city of Sana'a.  It was a stand against armed conflict, emphasizing the role of women in peacekeeping.

Women switched the traditional Zamil poetry of war, to recite zamil poetry of peace, which included the following verse:

"We are the girls and women of peace.. if war approaches we close its' doors."

ماذا يريد اليمنيون من المرحلة الانتقالية؟ - ?What do ordinary Yemenis want from the transition

Photos: Another side to Yemen

Yemen: The Wounded of the Revolution Neglected

First published in Al-Akhbar 

The Yemeni government has labeled the youth of its 2011 revolution ‘heroes,’ but it has provided little by means of financial and medical support for those wounded during that period. A recent hunger strike drew attention to the issue only to be crushed by Yemeni Central Security Forces, leaving more injured revolutionaries.

On 12 February 2013, Abdullah Mohammed Suroory, 23, and his colleagues woke up to find themselves surrounded by Yemeni Central Security Forces and riot police. Suroory and company had camped in front of the cabinet office in Sanaa, engaged in a hunger strike since the end of January 2013.

“When I saw the amount of security forces, I started taking pictures to document and then the security began cursing at me and saying why are you taking pictures you animals, we will crush you. We have orders from the Ministry of Interior,” Suroory said.

According to witnesses, security forces were attempting to provoke the protesters. At one point, security stepped on some of the protesters’ feet and verbal arguments escalated.

Although a law was decreed to provide healthcare to all those wounded in the revolution, many injured revolutionaries have not received any of it.MP Ahmed Saif Hashid, an independent with close links to the Yemeni left, was camping with the group and tried to intervene. A security official quickly hit the MP over the head with a baton, causing Hashid to fall to the ground. Security forces continued their beating of Hashid, then other demonstrators, ultimately using teargas at close proximity.

At least four protesters, including the MP, were hospitalized. According to writer Arwa Othman, security forces briefly obstructed the departure of the ambulance.

The events led some to believe it was an assassination attempt on Hashid. Abdul-Rashid al-Faqih, head of al-Hewar organization, echoed their concerns. “What Hashid faced was not an accident, it was a premeditated and planned murder attempt,” he said.

Some members of the Yemeni Socialist Party (YSP) believe this was a direct attack on them. “First, it was an assassination attempt against Yasine Said Noman [YSP secretary general], now MP Hashid,” said Haroon Abdul-Rahman, a YSP member. “This is similar to what happened to Tunisian opposition leader Chokri Belaid [2].”

The surprising attack on the hunger strikers demands a serious investigation. Local media reported that Prime Minister Mohammed Basindawa apologized to Hashid, and ordered the interior minister to form an investigative panel.

The night of 12 February, following the attack on the hunger strikers, a caravan of supporters from the city of Taiz arrived in solidarity with the wounded protesters, chanting slogans against the interior minister and calling for regime change.

Origins of the Hunger Strike

The sit-in at the cabinet office increased in size on 2 February after the death of Mohammed al-Ariqi. During the 2011 revolution, Ariqi was injured when he was run over by a military vehicle in front of al-Shab School in Taiz.

Like so many of the wounded, Ariqi was neither medically treated nor compensated financially by the government. Two years later, when Ariqi died from complications, protesters were furious.

After his death, a group of injured revolutionaries camped in front of the cabinet office, calling on the government to provide them with their rights for financial compensation or treatment abroad. On 5 February, protester Muneef al-Zubairi set himself on fire in protest of the lack of care by the Yemeni government for wounded revolutionaries.

Although a law was decreed to provide healthcare to all those wounded in the revolution, along with $152,000 allocated from the state budget for “compensation for martyrs and wounded,” many injured revolutionaries have not received any of it.

“We didn’t believe the words of the previous government and we don’t believe the words of this government. They make promises, but do not implement them,” said Samir, a 17-year-old who was promised medical treatment abroad.

“We are not affiliated to any party. This is why they are ignoring us,” said wounded protester Jameela.

We didn’t believe the words of the previous government and we don’t believe the words of this government.
Local newspaper al-Oula reported that although there is a committee tasked with treating wounded revolutionaries, the Ministry of Finance paid 2 billion Yemeni Riyals to al-Wafa Foundation, an organization that is affiliated to the Islah Party, to provide medical aid.

The foundation denies these claims. Shawqi Mamoun, head of the Martyrs’ Families Administration Council at al-Wafa, told the Yemen Times that the foundation has not received any money from the finance ministry. The role of the foundation, according to Mamoun, is to coordinate between martyrs’ families and the ministry.

On the second anniversary of the revolution, government officials lauded the bravery of the “youth” during the revolution. They described the “martyrs and wounded protesters” as heroes in their speeches, yet they have done nothing for them.

Resilience of the Wounded Revolutionaries - Photos

Almost two years have passed since the revolution. Many today who participated in the mass movements are feeling disappointed by the lack of "change" in the system.

One example is the lack of medical care given to the wounded protesters. Although a law was decreed to provide health care to all victims of the revolution, many have not received any treatment or compensation. Others were promised to travel abroad seeking medical treatment but that has not been implemented.

Hence, many wounded protesters and their supporters began a sit-in infront of the Cabinet at the end of January. Then on February 2nd more people joined after the death of Mohammed Al-Ariqi, (photo below), a protester who was injured on the 24 of May 2011 when he was run over by a military vehicle in front of Al-Shab School in Taiz.

After his death a group of injured revolutionaries camped in front of the Cabinet office, calling on the government to provide them with their rights for financial compensation or treatment abroad and at noon on February 5th, Muneef alzubairi a poet and supporter of the injured protesters set himself on fire protesting lack of care by the Yemeni government to wounded revolutionaries. 

At noon today, Muneef alzubairi set himself on fire, protesting the lack of care to wounded revolutionaries by the Yemeni government. Photo by Hamdi Radman

Wounded protesters and their supporters camped outside the Cabinet Office since end of January 2013. 

On February 5th, 2013 the “Black bloc” of Yemen joined the march to support the wounded protesters 

On February 12, a day after the celebrations to commemorate the second anniversary of the revolution, Central Security forces surrounded the sit-in site and attacked peaceful protesters on hunger strike, with batons and tear gas causing the hospitalization of at least four protesters.

Member of Parliament Ahmed Saif Hashid in the intensive care unit in Al-Jumhori Hospital in Sanaa, while supporters and journalists flocked around him

Supporters of the wounded Mohammed Albalaghy and Musa Alrammas lie in Al-Jumhori Hospital after attack on February 12, 2013.

Khalid Ahmed Hussein holds a photo of his 7 year old daughter who was shot during a protest while looking out the window of her home.

Wounded Poet Hussein Abdulkarim, often entertains the sit-in with political satirical poetry . He was wounded twice in 2011, once by a bullet wound and suffocation from tear gas. 

The IV tree gives life to the protesters on hunger strike.

Signs from left to right read: “Revolutionary Muhammed Salem Basindowah (prime minister): you revolted..you betrayed.. wounded from the revolution” “Mr. Prime Minister, the demand of the wounded revolutionaries is medical treatment, not besiegement” & “you exceed expectations with your besiegement just as you exceed expectations in your negligence of the nation”. 

As their plight has not gained much media coverage, activists turn to social media to spread information. 

In solidarity with the injured protesters, artists and poets, such as Ahmed Asery above joined the camp for a night of entertainment.

Revolution 1.0 has ended & Revolution 2.0 has begun

I have been informed by my friends, by facebook posts, and by the media that today February 11 marks the second anniversary of the "start of the revolution".  I  was previously informed that January 15 was also the anniversary.  Other dates come to mind as well.  Personally, I don't care which day was the "start" of the revolution, what matters is that it happened.  I don't even mind going back to the peaceful protests in the South in 2006 to count that as the start of the revolution.  I don't mind having many days to remember the revolution and honor the martyrs who died for the hope of a better tomorrow, and to honor the many hidden heroes of the revolution.  Maybe all of these days should be days to remember.

The first months of the revolution were amazing, and indescribable feelings engulfed many of us.  A strong belief in the power of "us" against the unjust corrupt regime gave us the strength to continue.  We felt proud, and more importantly, a sense of happiness that we have regained our dignity, and found each other.

Those of us who have dedicated our life to speaking out about injustice, those of us who  felt betrayed by the system, those of us who went to bed hungry, those of us who were tortured in prison, those of us who couldn't find a job, and those of us who had to face the corruption of the government on a daily basis, were ecstatic that this day has finally come.  We all went out dreaming, and refused to wake up from our dream.

But along the way, we had many nightmares.  One, is the control by some of the hardliners within the "opposition" Joint Meeting Parties (JMP) against the independent youth.  This was problematic because many in the traditional political parties were part of the same regime as Saleh.  Their goals were more personal, they were there for power grabbing, we were there for change.  This was evidence by the  troubling signs such as as their attempt at censorship in the squares, beating and "arrest" of independent protesters, media propaganda, and sometimes "barring" women from marching.  The joining of General Ali Mohsin was another sign that changed the equation and tainted the principles of the revolution. It was a point of contention among protesters, and divided many. Following this there was an incident when women were beaten for marching with men.

These were extremely troubling signs, that cost the movement.   protesters feared that protesting these actions publicly would help certain political powers to take advantage of "the division" amongst protesters.  This something some regret today.

Then there was the biggest blowback, and the stab in the back to the youth revolution: the signing of the Gulf Cooperation Council's plan, under the support of the "international community".  The plan gave immunity to Saleh & many in his regime.  Adding insult to injury, the plan stated that there will be a "one man election" and that the next president would be Saleh's vice president-Abd Rabo Mansour Hadi.  The transitional government is now made up of a division between traditional opposition parties and the former ruling party.  Each using this "limited" time for more power grabbing, putting in place people on "their" side, and as one of my friends said: "some of them are stealing as much as they can before they leave".

Surprisingly many people accepted this plan, but a great majority of independent youth did not.  Those who protested were called "spies" or "unpatriotic".

Today however, many of the same people that had accepted the GCC plan as the only viable option, and even voted for President Hadi have now began protesting again.  Many average Yemen have began losing hope in this government, fearing that it is using the same tactics of nepotism and corruption as the former regime.

With the upcoming national dialogue conference where millions of dollars will be spent, and where the process itself is believed to be flawed and lacks inclusiveness, revolutionaries have began to protest loudly vowing that they will never stop until there is change.

Of course not everything was bad, there have been many positive effects of the revolution that has impacted cultural perceptions and has broken down barriers to fear.

But one aspect that I have found most extraordinary is the number of friends I have made in this revolution.   I am most grateful to the revolution for introducing me to amazing individuals that I had the honor of meeting and befriending.  To all of you I say thank you.

But this is not a simple matter about just friendships, but it's also a matter of expanding and empowering the "independent" voice in Yemen.  For years, many of us felt alone, felt "odd", and when the revolution started we were relieved to find each other.  There were many others with similar ideas, hopes and dreams.  We were not alone and won't be anymore.

The past two years has strengthened our bond.  Unlike the political parties, we didn't know each other, we didn't have the training they had, but the past two years has began that process, and with time we will be a force that can change this country.  People often criticize the independent youth movement for it's lack of organization, (I do as well), but we have to remember that it's a new born movement that will grow with time.  The road is long and bumpy, and the coming years will be the toughest, but one day we will get there.

The bonds that were created in the revolution have enabled the start of Revolution 2.0.  While Change Square is still occupied by protesters, it has somewhat lost it's spirit.  The new revolution has begun, but this time in front of the cabinet, where wounded protesters have been camped and many are still on a hunger strike.  The lack of fancy equipment at the sit-in, and the spirit of hope, filled with music and poetry is reminiscent of the early days of the revolution.

Anyone who has lost hope should visit these extraordinary individuals, then you will regain faith in the power of the people.