Showing posts with label Saleh. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Saleh. Show all posts

Wednesday, July 15, 2015

War Rant - Part 1: The War Narrative and the Death of Philosophy

Let me start off by saying this is NOT a research paper. It’s simply the first part of a longer rant. I want to get all the negative energy out of my system and into the wild (sorry universe!).

Gone are the early days of 2011 when no question and no theory were off limits. We argued and we disagreed in a community where we felt safe without judgement or prejudice. Today, we are living a different time. A time where thought is frowned upon, where mere questions are unwelcome. A time where even academics became reductionists, generalizing, and placing people in boxes.

Politics without knowledge has become the sport of the nation. We’ve become a group who no longer looks back, and does not look into the future. We reduce everything to one word answers, and we don’t have the patience to listen to deeper discussions. We exchange insults with those we disagree with, we trade punches with a total disregard for one another.

Here are four war narratives we are told we shouldn’t question – because after all, why should we use our brain?

The war-coalition is there to protect democracy, legitimacy and the people

Just like Saleh used the pretext of democracy and "constitutional legitimacy" to attack protesters in the 2011 uprising, President Hadi in exile, is using "legitimacy" to attack his people, despite the fact that his term had ended and he had no popular support among Yemenis, including very few amongst the Southern resistance.

It goes without saying that the people in Aden are suffering from two wars, an external and internal one, with rampant diseases and lack of humanitarian and medical aid. We should not by any means diminish this, but in almost four months of bombing, war is still ongoing. The Saudi-led, US/EU backed war coalition has not succeeded in its supposed mission to win the war against Houthis or in “restoring hope” like promised.

In addition to the numbers of deaths and wounded, the catastrophic humanitarian situation, the apparent destruction of Yemen’s already very weak infrastructure, and the targeting of civilian structures including bridges, hospitals, wedding halls, wheat and dairy factories have been hit, in addition to a chicken farm etc, is a clear sign of the war coalition’s deliberate intent to destroy what little remains of the country’s infrastructure and force Yemen [not just Houthis] into total dependency.

There is only one group to blame for the war

It is common sense that in a war, all sides participating will be responsible for civilian casualties. While there are layers of issues involved here, layers of responsibilities, the war narrative insists that everyone must focus only on one group.

Depending on how far back we go, we could blame different people and groups. A historian for example might go back to 1926 when Imam Yahya declared himself king of the Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen, and blame his harsh, theocratic and 
discriminatory ruling. We could fast forward to the Saleh/Ali Mohsin era of corruption, poverty, neglect, lack of institutional building, centralized powers, and vicious wars in the South and north. We could blame Saudi for its long hegemony and funding of extremist center throughout Yemen since the 1980s - with the blessing of Saleh/Ali Mohsin. 

We could blame the spread of Wahabi ideology for the spread of AQAP and US for its failed war on terror that only exacerbated militants. We could blame Qatar for all the money pouring in. We could blame the Islah party for hijacking the revolution and the weakness and/or tacit support of the other “opposition” parties including the Socialists. 

 We could blame the transitional government for their focus on power grabbing, neglecting dire issues facing the people, and relying on the west for legitimacy rather than their own people. We could blame the UN, EU and US for their insistence on calling the transitional process a success and hence refusing to address the obvious issues. We could blame the IMF for pressuring Hadi to lift all fuel subsidies, increasing prices by 60 to 90 per cent overnight, without prior notice or measures to absorb the shock. We could blame Houthis for violently expanding throughout Yemen. We could blame Iran because like Saudi, it sees Yemenis as pawns in a political game to be supported and abandoned as and when it suits them.

It’s clear there are many actors to blame and it's important to discuss these points.  I'm sure the opinions will be as diverse as the people. The blame will shift, depending on personal analysis. But let's keep the door of discussion open, because a sickness must be diagnosed properly in order to find the cure.

Those who focus on foreign intervention don’t care about the civil war in the South

Civilians in the end of the day don’t want to be casualties of any war, local or foreign. Murder is murder, by a bomb or a bullet. Yet just because people focus on one advocacy strategy, such as focusing on the foreign intervention, does not mean that they are prioritizing a death over another or disregarding what is happening in the South. Some chose to focus on the civil war, while others chose to focus on the foreign intervention. Both are necessary.

Why have some activists decided to focus on the international intervention?

1) The Saudi-led war coalition is supported by UK and US. These countries are directly involved in logistics, arms trade and in providing intelligence. Raising awareness to citizens of these countries that their governments are involved in yet another war, is very important.

2)  The fact that Saudi is a leading buyer of weapons from US, France, UK means that it is in the interest of western powers to keep a war going. Arms trade keeps economies afloat, in fact makes them prosper. This is about the power and policy of those who drop bombs (the Saudi government) and those who profit from them being dropped (the US/UK).  This is not simply about Yemen but about the military industrial complext as well.

3) The “international community” has time and again condemned the Houthis, and even the UN Security Council resolution (UNSCR 2216) only condemned Houthis/Saleh. Except for a statement by the EU Parliament, they have not done the same for the foreign intervention, hence why advocacy in this area is necessary.

4) Focusing on the bigger picture of the war is a way to connect the movements for social justice throughout the world, because while the struggles may take different forms, they all, share the need for a new world order.

'Objectivity must be maintained'

Noam Chomsky once said “there’s a very high ideal that’s celebrated by the elite media, and that’s to maintain objectivity – objectivity has a very different meaning in media culture – it means repeating accurately anything that’s said within the beltway [Washington, DC]. If you do that, it’s objective, if you go beyond that it’s bias, it’s subjective, it’s emotional and so on and so forth.”
In the case of the war on Yemen, we also hear calls for objectivity but the truth is it’s all bullshit! It just means do not question the war narrative.

Today for example we see some of the same people who were against drone strikes because of their impact on civilian casualties, now cheering for bombs by coalition airstrikes. When we question this shift, we are labeled as subjective. 

When we ask a simple question such as, why doesn’t the media write “Saudi backed Yemeni government in exile” but insists on writing “Iran-backed rebels” we are immediately ‘judged’ on the wrong side. 
While both are competing now for influence, the fact is Saudi has been directly involved in Yemeni internal affairs for much longer than Iran and yet there is no mention of Saudi hegemony in the dominant narrative. [I know I will be trolled for this!]

This objectivity “bully” has pushed people towards 
virulent self-censorship. In the private sphere, people message me and share many thoughts. It seems many are afraid to be open about their own feelings. Some of my friends in the South for example who are staunchly against Houthi takeover are also against the Saudi intervention, but they feel they cannot say this publically.  I personally feel the same urge to self-censor, and hence by writing this I hope to shake this feeling away.  

The above four war narratives are just some examples of many. I highlight them because unfortunately some activists have fallen in the trap of pushing others towards a ruthless demagogic take on the war narrative.

In our effort to constantly blame those who have a different strategy, we become blind to the fact that we’re actually on the same side. This I believe is intended to divide us and in order to weaken the civil voice. Instead of focusing on what we all agree on – peace - we’re too busy pointing fingers at each other.

If only we (myself included) cared less about our "online" image or our "activist brand", and focused more on real life activism and collaboration, maybe we would’ve gotten somewhere. In the end of the day, we should be working together. Let's not let the war narrative dictate who our enemies or friends are.

While Yemen is drowning in interventions, let's free our own minds. Let's maintain our mental independence. Let’s ask questions, let’s think out loud, let’s argue, and let’s debate.

See War Rant - Part 2: War Awakens Burried Prejudices

Thursday, September 25, 2014

The Yemeni public, and its diverse reactions to recent events

There is an array of reactions to the recent events in Yemen. While it is difficult to generalize how people feel, this is an attempt to demonstrate (briefly) the various reactions by ordinary Yemenis.

We’re just confused: the majority of people are simply confused. With rumors flying around, and facts very difficult to verify, confusion looms and anxiety escalates. President Hadi added to that confusion by calling the events a “conspiracy” only after he signed the U.N. brokered peace deal.

What the.... just happened?: they were shocked at how fast the situation changed in a couple of days.  They do not know what to expect and believe that time will tell. They are generally happy that some iconic elite who are said to block the transition process are out of power, and are content with the reconciliatory language in the national agreement, and in Abdulmalik Al-Houthi's most recent speech . Yet, they remain skeptical and hope that these words carry real intent and are not merely ink on paper. They fear that while the Houthis have legitimate grievances and were oppressed, some of their recent actions are worrisome and questions their peaceful rhetoric.

Yay: those who are very happy about the recent events, they feel that the Houthis revived hope in a “hijacked revolution” and gave them a sense of pride in a movement that has challenged the grip of the elite, and controversial GCC initiative. They are also happy that after being neglected by all major political power groups, the Houthis have imposed their demands for basic rights and inclusion on the political establishment.

They are the devil: those who believe that the Houthis are merely “Iranian agents” dominated by foreign agenda. They believe that the Houthis never had any grievances and that the Saleh regime was right to start the war in 2004.

Don’t violate our Rights!: this group fears that Sanaa may now be run by a radical religiously conservative armed group that bans personal freedoms, most notably related to freedom of expression, art and women’s rights. They also want the Houthis’ armed militia to retreat from the capital as soon as possible. They feel depressed thinking that all groups in power have so far continued the same practices. This feeling was exacerbated by the closure of Suheil channel and storming of homes of some notable Islah leaders.

As long as we live..: this group is mostly apolitical, and their focus is on access to basic services. If Houthis can guarantee that, this group would surely support them.  The increase in electricity, and the general perception that Houthis will protect the area has increased their support for the group.

Civil war is coming: many people are simply afraid of a potential civil war. For example, those in Sanaa who recently witnessed dead bodies rotting in the streets, slept through nights of loud and ongoing explosions, and had their daily life briefly came to a halt are terrified. They fear the unknown and the potential of a civil war, due to potential increase of retlation by AQAP, especially since the Houthis vowed to fight them.

Bye bye Ali Mohsin!: Some, such as many in the South, are simply ecstatic that General Ali Mohsin, known for his bloody and corrupt past, is forced out of power. Everything else seems irrelevant to them.

Saleh's plot: this group is worried that former President Saleh is behind the Houthi’s rise to power, and that Yemen would go back to square one.



Friday, April 29, 2011

Want action? Visit Yemen, we promise you a unique emotional roller coaster

On the morning of April 27, I spent 8 hours with actors rehearsing for a play. One of the funniest actors Mohammed was present, and made us laugh until we almost cried. Four hours later, I ran into him again, but this time at the field hospital. He was one of the injured. Thank God it was only a minor injury, but it nevertheless made me feel so strange. Just a couple of hours ago we were in a room full of laughing people, later we were in a room full of injured people. Instead of the tears of laughter, tears of sadness filled me. The morning after, I saw Mohammed rehearsing again. He had a big smile and it was like nothing happened the day before.


This is the emotional roller coaster we are experiencing at the moment. It’s been three months since the start of the revolution and I am not only physically drained, but emotionally exhausted as well. Here is a diagram of my emotional ups and downs between January 15 until April 29.

The diagram was created after compiling a selection of important dates, mostly political, in the last three months, and designating how they made me feel: happy, sad, or in between. The dates I highlighted below do not encompass all important events, but they are just a selection of few to get an idea of the roller coaster we call Yemeni politics. (key: 2 happy, 1 in between, 0 unhappy)


Summary of the emotional roller coaster
January 15 Yemenis celebrated Ben Ali’s fall by protesting.

February 2 in an emergency Parliamentary meeting, Saleh announced that he would not run again. (Great, but not enough).

February 3 Despite the President’s promises, Yemenis went to the street to call for change on the Day of Rage

February 21 First tents went up around Sana’a University’s eastern gate.

February 22 12 peaceful protesters were killed in Aden when security shot at protesters

February 23 8 MPs of the ruling party resigned and Saleh ordered security forces to protect protesters.

February 25 two days after the President’s promise, thugs opened fire on protesters killing four

March 3 opposition groups agreed on a transition plan which they would offer Saleh
March 4 Saleh rejected opposition’s offer

March 18 At least 52 people were killed and over 200 injured when snipers shot at peaceful protesters in Sana’a

March 21 ☹☺ General Ali Mohsen joined the protests. While it was seen as a sign that the revolution will succeed, it was accepted with extreme uneasiness by many.

March 22 ??? Saleh stated two things: 1) that he would be willing to step down by the end of the year as part of a "constitutional transfer of power," but also issued a statement saying that he considered the protests to be a
"coup" and that a civil war would eventually ensue if protests continued

March 23 parliament enacted a thirty-day emergency law which suspended the constitution, allowed media censorship, banned street protests and gave security forces far-reaching powers to arrest and detain suspects.

March 24 Saleh accepted the opposition's transition plan (after he had rejected it 20 days earlier)

March 25 One day later, Saleh announced at a public appearance that he won't to step down but will seek dialogue with anti-government protesters and make concessions

March 28 ☺☹ Closed door meetings between Saleh, Ali Mohsen, opposition and the US discussing plan that he would hand over power to the vice president and formation of a new government

April 4 security on rooftops fired at protesters in Taiz killing 12 demonstrators and wounding 30

April 8 ??? Saleh rejected GCC bid.

April 23 ☺☹ Saleh announced he accepted the GCC plan

April 24 ??? Saleh announced on BBC that he would only leave through the ballot box.

April 25 ☺☹ Opposition accepted GCC plan

April 27 A leading opposition figure, announced GCC plan will be formalized on May 2 or sooner. Same day, security forces shot at protesters killing 12 and injuring over 100.

April 28 Saleh announced he will have reservations about signing if Qatar representatives are present among the Gulf foreign ministers.

April 30 Secretary General of GCC arrived in Sana'a to deliver the initiative to Saleh for him to sign later in the day. With invitations sent to all sides to attend signing ceremony Sunday in Riyadh. The morning of this day, heavy violence by security against protesters in Aden.

=====
With these political ups and downs can you blame us for being cautious with our feelings. We can’t be too excited about any prospects until we see real action and not just promises.

p.s. if you believe any of these dates are incorrect please let me know.

Saturday, April 16, 2011

Saleh's speech on "mixing of men & women" & its implications


Yemen's President Ali Abdullah Saleh recently used another political tool to try and suppress the pro-change protests. Like many leaders worldwide, he used "women" as a tool against his opponents. His brief statement on the prohibition of mixing between women and men (English text of President's speech) along with the smear campaigns on national TV against women implies that women in pro-change square are "loose" women. This is a great insult to all women activists. It is a dishonor to all women, their families and tribes.

His speech has numerous implications. He is clearly trying to appeal to the Salafis as he has done in the past, either to gain their support or potentially turn them against protesters. As a political analyst said: "this could give space for the formation of a future lobby led by Salafis to limit women’s participation in society". A worrisome example, is that some protesters were upset by the "accusation of mixing" and in response demanded separation of men and women "to prove him wrong." This is what caused the clashes between some members of the 1st brigade along with members of organizational committee; and a number of women activists yesterday. This is a dangerous precedent especially in light of the fact that men and women worked side by side as partners from the beginning.

The speech is also an effort to divide protesters. By trying to expose the hypocrisy of some Salafis who previously spoke out against mixing on numerous occasions, but have recently "allowed" it for the sake of the revolution; Saleh hopes to turn liberals against conservatives within the pro-change movement.

His attempt however backfired, at least for now, as more women joined the movement. In response to his speech, thousands of women took to the street on April 16, 2011. We must deal with the potential impact of this by raising awareness on women's rights and having an open honest discussion. At the same time, we must not give up just yet. The second phase of the revolution has just begun.

The following are some videos of the march, two short clips of women's reaction, and videos of slogans and chants.





Interviews:





Chants Used:

النساء مع الرجال.. ثورتنا ثورة نضال
women with men..our revolution is a revolution of struggle



اعتراض اعتراض..يا علي إلا الأعراض
objection, objection..O Ali anything but our honor



يا حكومة يا سخيفة.. بنت اليمن هي شريفة
O silly government..Yemen's daughter is honorable



ارحل.. ارحل..ارحل
Out..Out..Out



اعتصام اعتصام.. حتى يسقط النظام
Sit-in sit-in.. until end of the regime