War Rant - Part 1: The War Narrative and the Death of Philosophy

Let me start off by saying this is NOT a research paper. It’s simply the first part of a longer rant. I want to get all the negative energy out of my system and into the wild (sorry universe!).

Gone are the early days of 2011 when no question and no theory were off limits. We argued and we disagreed in a community where we felt safe without judgement or prejudice. Today, we are living a different time. A time where thought is frowned upon, where mere questions are unwelcome. A time where even academics became reductionists, generalizing, and placing people in boxes.

Politics without knowledge has become the sport of the nation. We’ve become a group who no longer looks back, and does not look into the future. We reduce everything to one word answers, and we don’t have the patience to listen to deeper discussions. We exchange insults with those we disagree with, we trade punches with a total disregard for one another.

Here are four war narratives we are told we shouldn’t question – because after all, why should we use our brain?

The war-coalition is there to protect democracy, legitimacy and the people

Just like Saleh used the pretext of democracy and "constitutional legitimacy" to attack protesters in the 2011 uprising, President Hadi in exile, is using "legitimacy" to attack his people, despite the fact that his term had ended and he had no popular support among Yemenis, including very few amongst the Southern resistance.

It goes without saying that the people in Aden are suffering from two wars, an external and internal one, with rampant diseases and lack of humanitarian and medical aid. We should not by any means diminish this, but in almost four months of bombing, war is still ongoing. The Saudi-led, US/EU backed war coalition has not succeeded in its supposed mission to win the war against Houthis or in “restoring hope” like promised.

In addition to the numbers of deaths and wounded, the catastrophic humanitarian situation, the apparent destruction of Yemen’s already very weak infrastructure, and the targeting of civilian structures including bridges, hospitals, wedding halls, wheat and dairy factories have been hit, in addition to a chicken farm etc, is a clear sign of the war coalition’s deliberate intent to destroy what little remains of the country’s infrastructure and force Yemen [not just Houthis] into total dependency.

There is only one group to blame for the war

It is common sense that in a war, all sides participating will be responsible for civilian casualties. While there are layers of issues involved here, layers of responsibilities, the war narrative insists that everyone must focus only on one group.

Depending on how far back we go, we could blame different people and groups. A historian for example might go back to 1926 when Imam Yahya declared himself king of the Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen, and blame his harsh, theocratic and discriminatory ruling. We could fast forward to the Saleh/Ali Mohsin era of corruption, poverty, neglect, lack of institutional building, centralized powers, and vicious wars in the South and north. We could blame Saudi for its long hegemony and funding of extremist center throughout Yemen since the 1980s - with the blessing of Saleh/Ali Mohsin. 

We could blame the spread of Wahabi ideology for the spread of AQAP and US for its failed war on terror that only exacerbated militants. We could blame Qatar for all the money pouring in. We could blame the Islah party for hijacking the revolution and the weakness and/or tacit support of the other “opposition” parties including the Socialists. 

 We could blame the transitional government for their focus on power grabbing, neglecting dire issues facing the people, and relying on the west for legitimacy rather than their own people. We could blame the UN, EU and US for their insistence on calling the transitional process a success and hence refusing to address the obvious issues. We could blame the IMF for pressuring Hadi to lift all fuel subsidies, increasing prices by 60 to 90 per cent overnight, without prior notice or measures to absorb the shock. We could blame Houthis for violently expanding throughout Yemen. We could blame Iran because like Saudi, it sees Yemenis as pawns in a political game to be supported and abandoned as and when it suits them.

It’s clear there are many actors to blame and it's important to discuss these points.  I'm sure the opinions will be as diverse as the people. The blame will shift, depending on personal analysis. But let's keep the door of discussion open, because a sickness must be diagnosed properly in order to find the cure.

Those who focus on foreign intervention don’t care about the civil war in the South

Civilians in the end of the day don’t want to be casualties of any war, local or foreign. Murder is murder, by a bomb or a bullet. Yet just because people focus on one advocacy strategy, such as focusing on the foreign intervention, does not mean that they are prioritizing a death over another or disregarding what is happening in the South. Some chose to focus on the civil war, while others chose to focus on the foreign intervention. Both are necessary.

Why have some activists decided to focus on the international intervention?

1) The Saudi-led war coalition is supported by UK and US. These countries are directly involved in logistics, arms trade and in providing intelligence. Raising awareness to citizens of these countries that their governments are involved in yet another war, is very important.

2)  The fact that Saudi is a leading buyer of weapons from US, France, UK means that it is in the interest of western powers to keep a war going. Arms trade keeps economies afloat, in fact makes them prosper. This is about the power and policy of those who drop bombs (the Saudi government) and those who profit from them being dropped (the US/UK).  This is not simply about Yemen but about the military industrial complext as well.

3) The “international community” has time and again condemned the Houthis, and even the UN Security Council resolution (UNSCR 2216) only condemned Houthis/Saleh. Except for a statement by the EU Parliament, they have not done the same for the foreign intervention, hence why advocacy in this area is necessary.

4) Focusing on the bigger picture of the war is a way to connect the movements for social justice throughout the world, because while the struggles may take different forms, they all, share the need for a new world order.

'Objectivity must be maintained'

Noam Chomsky once said “there’s a very high ideal that’s celebrated by the elite media, and that’s to maintain objectivity – objectivity has a very different meaning in media culture – it means repeating accurately anything that’s said within the beltway [Washington, DC]. If you do that, it’s objective, if you go beyond that it’s bias, it’s subjective, it’s emotional and so on and so forth.” In the case of the war on Yemen, we also hear calls for objectivity but the truth is it’s all bullshit! It just means do not question the war narrative.

Today for example we see some of the same people who were against drone strikes because of their impact on civilian casualties, now cheering for bombs by coalition airstrikes. When we question this shift, we are labeled as subjective. 

When we ask a simple question such as, why doesn’t the media write “Saudi backed Yemeni government in exile” but insists on writing “Iran-backed rebels” we are immediately ‘judged’ on the wrong side. While both are competing now for influence, the fact is Saudi has been directly involved in Yemeni internal affairs for much longer than Iran and yet there is no mention of Saudi hegemony in the dominant narrative. [I know I will be trolled for this!]

This objectivity “bully” has pushed people towards virulent self-censorship. In the private sphere, people message me and share many thoughts. It seems many are afraid to be open about their own feelings. Some of my friends in the South for example who are staunchly against Houthi takeover are also against the Saudi intervention, but they feel they cannot say this publically.  I personally feel the same urge to self-censor, and hence by writing this I hope to shake this feeling away.  

The above four war narratives are just some examples of many. I highlight them because unfortunately some activists have fallen in the trap of pushing others towards a ruthless demagogic take on the war narrative.

In our effort to constantly blame those who have a different strategy, we become blind to the fact that we’re actually on the same side. This I believe is intended to divide us and in order to weaken the civil voice. Instead of focusing on what we all agree on – peace - we’re too busy pointing fingers at each other.

If only we (myself included) cared less about our "online" image or our "activist brand", and focused more on real life activism and collaboration, maybe we would’ve gotten somewhere. In the end of the day, we should be working together. Let's not let the war narrative dictate who our enemies or friends are.

While Yemen is drowning in interventions, let's free our own minds. Let's maintain our mental independence. Let’s ask questions, let’s think out loud, let’s argue, and let’s debate.

See War Rant - Part 2: War Awakens Burried Prejudices

Are you sure there are no more journalists in Yemen?

“Instead of deporting militants, our national security deported a journalist. What a shame” wrote Yemeni journalist Hani Al-Guneid on Facebook. Similar sentiments were widely expressed by activists and writers on May 9th, when journalist Adam Baron was wrongfully expelled from Yemen without an explanation. Until today, messages continue to spread condemning this attack on freedom of expression and some even felt obligated to apologize on behalf of their unelected government.

The reactions to his deportation have highlighted a number of interesting points. It exemplified the reality that race/nationality/or passport matters in today’s media.

Three days prior to Adam’s deportation, journalist Saeed Thabit Saeed sent a letter of complaint to the minister of interior, which he then published on Facebook. In it, he accused passport control, and later national security, of maintaining and using the same “black list” that Saleh’s government previously used against journalists and activists. Saeed explained that he is often interrogated or detained at the airport upon arrival or departure from Sana’a. His passport was confiscated that day, and after some phone calls were made he was finally able to enter his own country.

Saeed is not the first journalist to complain of such harassment. A number of local journalists have been targets of intimidation tactics, violence, imprisonment and abuse. According to a March 2014 report by Reporters without Borders,

"Two years after Abd Rab Mansour Hadi became president, the situation of freedom of information in Yemen continues to be very worrying, especially as regards violence against media personnel.”

While it is very important that Adam’s deportation made headline news, it is as important to speak out against the numerous attacks on local citizens. The last two years witnessed numerous violations including, the murder of two young innocent boys, a military attack on a funeral service of members of the Southern Movement in a public school courtyard killing 15 people, a one-year jail sentence and fine of 100,000 Yemeni Riyals imposed on journalist Majed Karout, and continuation of patronage through the $11.3 million allocated to the Tribes’ Affairs Authority in the 2014 budget despite the rising poverty. Sadly, it was none of these events that made the international community question the practices of the current government. Why does it take a western journalists’ unfortunate deportation to make others see that “there might be something undemocratic” about this internationally supported government?

The second observation regarding Adam’s deportation is that while journalists have thankfully continued to unite in support of their colleagues, some have unfortunately used it as an opportunity to market themselves.

After announcing Adam’s deportation on twitter, a journalist was quick to immediately mention that there’s now “only one foreign journalist” officially in Yemen. Her tweet, taken out of context, implied to many that she was the only one left to report in the land of chaos. I’m not a stranger to the hardships of freelancing, as my husband was one for quite sometime, yet this is no excuse to use this inappropriate time to market oneself. In fact, if anyone had the right to over-hype the issue it was Adam, but he did not.

I will not go into the semantics of what defines “official” in the dictionary, and what defines “official” in Yemen; yet I will say that the documents needed for western journalists to operate in Yemen are the following: WHO KNOWS? Journalists have come to Yemen in a number of different ways. Yes, technically it could help if you have a journalism visa, but most of the time it is irrelevant. In fact, Adam Baron was deported even though he was “officially” working in Yemen.

Today, there are other journalists “officially” working or have worked in Yemen with very different residency papers/work permits. Some have a press card from the ministry of informaiton without a journalist visa, some are on a journalist visa, and others with neither.

Even the ones here without a press card work with the full knowledge of the Yemeni government, and in fact, many were officially registered as journalists during the 10-month National Dialogue Conference. In addition, they continue to be invited by government officials to attend “official” events. Even the journalists without proper documents have traveled all over the country, met and continue to meet with high level officials, and publish their work under their name.

This is obviously not an ideal way to operate, as the government could easily deport them using the excuse that they do not have a valid visa, which the government did in 2011 when it deported four western journalists. Then again, the government can deport anyone with no excuse such as the case of Adam. For this reason and many others, members of civil society and journalists continue to demand media reform in Yemen.

A third reflection is that it was curious how stressing “foreign” journalist based in Yemen was very important to distinguish one’s self from “local” as if it is necessarily correlated to credibility. Yes there is category of media professionals known as foreign correspondents, but majority of Western reporters in Yemen are not staff reporters. They are freelancers and work exactly like the local freelancers. In addition, there are Western journalists with Yemeni origins who are often not included in either the “foreign” or “local” journalist categories.

Foreign analysts and journalists should continue to travel and write about different countries including Yemen, as it can help provide a fresh perspective on things. Yet, their analysis should not be taken as the only credible voice in a country of 24 million people!

It is not the nationality that makes a journalist, but rather knowledge of the country, language skills, objectivity and professionalism. Whether the person is a foreign or local journalist should not be the basis for judging whether someone is a credible source.

It is important to remember the following: there are Yemeni journalists who report to international media, and Yemenis, like any other people, can also be credible, can also be objective, and can also relay the truth. Why are local journalists in the west credible enough to report their own news, while it is not the case in Yemen?

Finally, while it’s admirable that some journalists leave the luxuries of their homes to work in less comfortable societies, it is important to remember that this is entirely their choice, and they do get something in return. What you may wonder? Well, where else could a new freelancer meet the highest government officials only two weeks after their arrival? This of course helps boost their careers in addition to their reputation. Once someone lives in “dangerous” Yemen, he/she is automatically given the “brave” award.

So my dear journalist friends, with all due respect, I admire your passion and your hard work, but please don’t make us feel like you are doing us a favor by being here. Please give us the respect and spare us the brave altruistic hero persona. It is not a favor you are bestowing on us to be living here.

I realize some of my journalist friends might be upset with this post, but I am sure that those who know me well enough will know that my intention is merely to give another side to the hype of last week. While the government may not be friendly towards journalists, Yemeni people are. In fact, in almost every travel article, book or website, the one constant characteristic about Yemen is the description about the hospitable and friendly people of the country. Let us work together to show the world what Yemen is really about.

The Flawed Media Narrative on Yemen

First Published in YourMiddleEast

Imagine the following: after weeks of convincing his editors that it is safe to travel to the US, a journalist from Landistan arrived in Kentucky state. Before his arrival, he read many news articles on the country and followed a number of journalists and activists on Twitter. He had no time to read history books that would have provided context to the situation.

In Louisville, Kentucky, he went to visit the school where student Mathew Ward killed the schoolmaster in 1850, followed by visits to the states of New Hampshire, Ohio, California, Maryland, Illinois, Oklahoma, Connecticut, and Texas to visit the schools that witnessed gun-related incidents in 2012. The journalist met with families of the victims and of the perpetrators in the nine states.

He then wrote a story entitled “America’s Gangs and Guns,” where he boasted about his visits outside the capital, which gave him a great overview of the country. In his article, he mentioned “the bloody Americans” at least three times. Never once did he highlight any of the anti-gun campaigns or speak to Americans who are against gun violence. The friendly and diverse American population, the innovation of its scientists and creativity of its artists was also missing from the story. Instead he visited Walmart, the large discount department store that sells firearms, and wrote: “while the son is choosing which candy to buy, his father is choosing which type of bullet.”

You may think it is impossible for such a bias article to appear in a mainstream well-respected western newspaper. However, when it comes to Yemen this is unfortunately quite common.

Yemen’s media reputation

Yemen, the land inhabited by 24 million people from different backgrounds, regions, sects, dialects and landscapes has been reduced to Al-Qaeda or Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), wars, poverty, Qat, tribalism, or the ancestral home of Osama Bin Laden.

Reading mainstream media today, one imagines that AQAP has taken over the entire country, and that militants are roaming freely throughout. One might also come to the conclusion that most Yemenis are in fact militants.

The country with a long history that was once hailed as Arabia Felix, land of generosity, wisdom, coffee, the first sky scrapers, the land with many queens and great architecture, is now only about the hysteria of the decade: terrorism. This is not to say that terrorism is not a problem, it is, but it is not the sole problem, and the way media reports on it with no analysis of impact of the war on terror, nor any depth, simply magnifies the problem.

On September 30, 2011, I went to the streets of the capital to get people’s reaction on the killing of Anwar Al-Awlaki, the Yemeni-American cleric who was accused of being a main recruiter for AQAP. To my surprise, many people responded, “who is Anwar Al-Awlaki?” This highlights the sharp disconnect between Yemenis and the media reporting on them.

In mainstream articles and books, there is hardly any mention of the majority of Yemenis who dislike extremism. A notable survey in 2011 concluded that 86% of Yemenis have an unfavorable opinion of Al Qaeda. Media failed to report that when the American teacher Joel Shrum was killed, many protests were held in the city of Taiz against the killing, and against extremism. In fact one year later, people in Taiz organized a silent memorial to remember him on the anniversary of his death. Only local media reported this event.

Al-Qaeda has overshadowed most reporting on Yemen. Mainstream media has not only perpetuated and enhanced stereotypes but by doing so, has unintentionally caused damage to Yemen’s reputation. Journalists are slowly erasing the long history of Yemen and its traditions, and depriving people of their voice. Yemen at large remains extensively unexamined.

There is no doubt that constant one-sided reporting filled with stereotypes breeds hatred of the other. The singling out of Yemenis at airports abroad merely because of their passport has caused many to feel unfairly targeted and some believe that they are victims of this bad reputation.

It is no wonder that at home, some have began feeling suspicious. “Are you taking pictures to make us look bad?” asked a taxi driver to a foreign journalist. “No that is not my intention, you have a beautiful country,” he responded. Driver exhaled in relief explaining that sometimes journalists pick the most un-common event and say this is Yemen.

When I told young activists about this article, Amira Al-Arasi said, “yes, yes our reputation abroad is terrible,” she jokingly explained that Yemeni citizenship alone cannot be taken seriously. “This is why when Tawakkul Karman won the Nobel Peace Prize, she also received another citizenship,” she said, and the crowd of activists around her laughed.

The televised revolution somewhat helped change the perception of Yemenis in the eyes of their Arab neighbors. In some Arab countries today, the first question is no longer do you chew qat? – but rather, have you been to Change Square? However, this has not yet spilled over to mainstream western media.

In fact, during the uprising, Yemen’s coverage was weak when compared with other Arab Spring countries (with the exception of Bahrain). While media covered the art and comedy in Egypt’s Tahrir square, the poetry, theatre, and music of Change Square was hardly covered when it came to the Yemeni protests.

“If the Yemen protests had been streaming on western TVs during 2011, it would have increased awareness of the country outside of the terrorism-related news, and would have generated more interest in Yemen,” said a western journalist.

“Unfortunately that didn’t happen,” she added.

Why only fear-based media?
For a number of reasons, the media narrative on Yemen is completely flawed. One aspect is the lack of knowledge on the complexities of the country.

“The editors I work with have never been to Yemen, they know at best – only a little piece of what is already published – and are often people with a liking for clichés,” said Sara, a European journalist.

Parachute journalists also know very little about the country and when reporting assess it only based on what they see in comparison to other countries, not what they see of Yemen in comparison to its own past – because they often do not know Yemen’s recent history, hence it affects their analysis of the current situation, making their reports diluted and superficial.

Even worse, is the fact that many write about sensitive topics from their desks in London, New York, Paris or Dubai without ever stepping foot in Yemen.

Who needs to when you can just ask a few online activists what they think?

Many of the freelance journalists based in Yemen, start their career here. With time their knowledge of the country increases significantly, especially when establishing a wide range of contacts. One advantage in Yemen is the ease at which contacts can be established even at the highest levels. Seniority is not an issue, nor is experience; young freelance journalists are able to meet and interview top officials. Yemenis in general are often very willing to speak to journalists as well.

Yet despite their knowledge compared to the parachute journalists, many have not been able to pitch the stories they want. Except for a few of the very established freelance journalists, the majority complains of lack of response from the editors.

“The interest, generally speaking, just isn’t that strong,” said a freelance Western journalist. “Yemen isn’t the same as Egypt, Iraq or Afghanistan,” said another western journalist.
As the saying goes, “if it bleeds, it leads” and in the case of Yemen it unfortunately became, “only if it bleeds, it appears.”

Today’s journalism on Yemen is no longer about getting the facts right, or inspiring people to think independently, it is about who can write the most sensationalized story on the country – no matter how many times it has already been told – because that is what sells.

The irony is that editors claim there is no interest for stories from Yemen, yet few stories that are non-security linked are published, so how do they assess that interest?

While editors often do not take stories beyond headline news, young journalists who are trying to build a career in mainstream media feel pressured to only write inside the box provided. Then because they only write within that box, that is what editors expect. It’s a vicious cycle.

Journalists seem unable to openly criticize this cycle or the negative coverage of Yemen. When I asked a number of freelance journalists questions for this article, many agreed to be quoted but without their name or nationality. The life of freelancers hangs in the hands of these editors, but at the same time, editors should know what the journalists who work for them really think.

What can be done?
When writing, journalists should keep in mind that just as Norwegians are not defined by Anders Behring Breivik, Yemenis do not want to be defined by his Yemeni equivalents. As obvious as it sounds, many have not yet internalized the idea that humanity transcends boundaries, only when that happens will reporting change and the orientalist approach to analysis may be reduced.

Journalists will begin to report what they see not solely in comparison to what they know of the West. For example, instead of the failed state theory, which has been discussed for two decades, we might read more about tribal and community methods of maintaining peace. Because of “its rigid and Eurocentric approach, the failed state thesis is unable to recognize the strategies employed by states like Yemen to ensure their survival, which include the purposeful production of chaos,” wrote PhD Candidate Sophia Dingli.

In addition, stories may transcend the usual topics, and may even focus more on the people of Yemen rather than on the person writing the story. For example, instead of stories on the bravery of journalists going to the weapon market, we may read about the relatively low crime rates despite the high number of private firearms.

We may also read stories about young juveniles on hunger strike protesting for their colleagues on death row, campaigns to reduce the use of qat, political satire, young girls turning to solar energy for power, economic development and street artists promoting awareness of social issues.
When editors do not agree to publish these articles, some journalists decide to write in alternative media. “There I work with editors who are ready to publish stories written from new angels,” said Sara. “I write for money, that is what I do, and then I realize I must also write for free to do Yemen justice,” she added.

Yemenis in the diaspora, and those who speak English inside the country should be more proactive in providing feedback to journalists and editors, and publically acknowledging when mistakes are published. The truth is, there is no media watch. Anyone can write anything misleading, incorrect, or bias and mainstream media will often publish it.